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Table of Contents
Silver Certificates of the Great Depression Revisited--Lee Lofthus
Patented Lettering--Peter Huntoon
Unusual Confederate Printed Backs--Michael McNeil
The Stockyards Nat’l Bank of Fort Worth--Frank Clark
Seaton Grantland Tinsley; Confederate Note Signer--Charles Derby
John Jay Knox & the Central Bank of New Ulm--Shawn Hewitt
Civil War Patriotic Envelope--Rick Melamed
Uncoupled Joe Boling & Fred Schwan
Small Notes—1934B FRNs Carried New Bank Seal
Interesting Mining Notes—David Schenkman
Obsolete Corner--Robert Gill
Chump Change--Loren Gatch
Presidents Message
Editor’s Report
Paper Money
Vol. LVII, No. 2 Whole No. 314 www.SPMC.org March/April 2018
Official Journal of the
Society of Paper Money Collectors
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Fr. 11. 1861 $20 Demand Note. New York.
PCGS Very Fine 25 Apparent. Minor Edge Restoration.
Second Finest Known
Fr. 183c. 1863 $500 Legal Tender.
PCGS Very Choice New 64PPQ.
Finest of Four Known
Fr. 186d. 1863 $1000 Legal Tender.
PCGS Choice About New 58.
Finest of Two Known
Fr. 187b. 1880 $1000 Legal Tender.
PCGS Choice About New 55.
Finest of Two Known. Unique in Private Hands
Fr. 207. 1861 $50 Interest Bearing Note.
PCGS Very Fine 25. “Payable to Samuel Colt”
Unique. No Other Notes are Known
Fr. 209a. 1861 $500 Interest Bearing Note.
PCGS Very Fine 25.
Finest of Two Known. Unique in Private Hands
Fr. 1218g. 1882 $1000 Gold Certificate.
PCGS Extremely Fine 40.
Finest of Four Known. Two in Private Hands
Fr. 316. 1886 $20 Silver Certificate.
PCGS Gem New 66PPQ.
Finest Known
Fr. 831. 1918 $20 Federal Reserve Bank Note.
St. Louis.
PCGS Choice About New 58PPQ.
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Silver Certificates of the Great Depression Revisited
Lee Lofthus ..................................................................... 80
Patented Lettering
Peter Huntoon ................................................................ 93
Unusual Confederate Printed Backs
Michael McNeil .............................................................. 108
The Stockyards Nat’l Bank of Fort Worth
Frank Clark ..................................................................... 114
Seaton Grantland Tinsley; Confederate Note Signer
Charles Derby ................................................................. 116
John Jay Knox & the Central Bank of New Ulm
Shawn Hewitt .................................................................. 125
Civil War Patriotic Envelope
Rick Melamed ................................................................. 130
Uncoupled Joe Boling & Fred Schwan ................................... 135
Small Notes—1934B FRNs Carried New Bank Seal .............. 138
Interesting Mining Notes—David Schenkman ...................... 142
Obsolete Corner--Robert Gill ................................................. 144
Chump Change--Loren Gatch ................................................ 147
Presidents Message .............................................................. 148
Editor’s Report ....................................................................... 149
New Members .........................................................................150
Money Mart .............................................................................. 152
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
77
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___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
78
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Kagin-PM-NMS-Cons-Ad-02-22-18.indd 1 2/22/18 2:19 PM
$1 Silver Certificates of the
Great Depression Revisited
Explaining the 1928 C and E Block Rarities
by Lee Lofthus
This rare Series 1928C JB block note was printed sometime before June 1, 1934, but not numbered until
April/May 1935 when the last of the Series of 1928 silver certificates were being serially numbered. Photo
courtesy of Heritage Auctions Archives.
Graeme Ton’s groundbreaking article
“Depression Notes 1928-C,D,E” (Paper
Money July/August 1977) provided a block
rarity index for the three scarce Series of
1928 silver certificates. Now, on the 40th
anniversary of that work, this article
examines whether Ton’s original rarity
findings have withstood the test of time and
explains why certain blocks within these
series turned out to be so rare.
The 1928C, D, and E notes have long
been recognized as the difficult-to-find series
among 1928 $1 silver certificates. The BEP
printed approximately 5.4 million, 14.5
million, and 3.5 million of them,
respectively, compared to over 2.2 billion
1928A notes, and 650 million each of the
1928 and 1928B notes. These numbers
reflect un-numbered notes, but most went on
to be numbered, so the comparisons remain
valid for finished notes.
The scarcity of the trio reliably
follows their printing figures: the 1928Es are
the scarcest, followed by the 1928Cs, and
then the 1928Ds. 1928D notes are the
common series of the three. While brief
discussion is provided on the 1928D here for
context, this analysis concentrates on two
scarcer series, the 1928C and 1928E notes.
The 1977 Rarity Findings
The rarity index compiled by Ton
was based on the observation of 221 1928C,
D, and E notes over several years of
searching. Those rarity findings have proved
accurate for the most part, but with another
forty years of data, the findings require
updating. Some notes are as scarce as or
more so than originally reported, while a few
have proven more common.
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
80
Ton’s index identified ten blocks of
1928C notes: BB through JB and *A. The BB
block was by far the most common, with the
CB, FB, and JB blocks being the scarcest.
Eight 1928D blocks were printed, DB
through JB and *A. The DB block uncut
sheet notes were most common while the EB
block was judged the rarest.
Six 1928E blocks were used, FB
through JB and the *A. The first-issue
FB-block notes from the uncut sheets were
rated most available, while the GB and JB
notes were Ton’s rarest.
All three series are common across
the HB and IB blocks, unsurprising since
those blocks were numbered between May
1934 and April 1935. By that time, the
1928C, D, and E plates had all been in
production long enough that their sheets were
amply available in the numbering division by
the time the HB and IB blocks came long.
In 1977, the 1928C, D, and E notes
carried sizeable premiums and renown. In
2017, they remain popular and still command
a premium. They are available as type notes,
and compared to other silver certificates,
some blocks are rare.
Then, as now, high grade examples
were comparatively plentiful from the first
blocks of each series, often from uncut sheets
that were distributed by the Treasury at the
time of issue.
Concurrent Series 1928 Production
In the midst of the Great Depression,
and with the $1 notes in high demand,
Treasury was not going to cancel serviceable
plates when the Treasury signatures changed.
Thus, the 1928A, B, C, D, and E plates were
used concurrently until worn out. They were
used together on four plate presses, meaning,
there could be three 1928B plates of twelve
subjects and one 1928C plate sharing a press
at the same time. The 1928A Woods/Mellon
and 1928B Woods/Mills plates, by the
hundreds, were producing sheets in
overwhelming numbers compared to the
eight intermittently-used 1928C plates and
the ten 1928E plates.
On May 12, 1934, three months after
1928E production had begun, BEP director
Alvin Hall provided a memorandum giving a
snapshot of the press room production status
to Herbert Gaston, a senior Treasury
Department advisor to Secretary
Morgenthau. Hall’s $1 silver certificate data
was as follows:
Plates Plates
Series in Vault at Press
1928A 1 5
1928B 45 275
1928C 0 3
1928D 0 29
1928E 0 10
The data above shows why 1928C and 1928E
notes are scarce in comparison to other 1928
series $1s.
The Series of 1928C carried the signatures of
Treasurer Walter O. Woods (left), appointed by
Herbert Hoover in Jan. 1929, and FDR’s new
Treasury Secretary William H. Woodin (right).
Their joint tenure was short, not even a full three
months, contributing to the short window for
preparation of 1928C plates.
This article will go further and
explain why certain blocks within the 1928C
and E notes are scarce or rare in comparison
to other blocks within these scarce series.
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
81
1928C Plate Data
The 1928C notes bearing the
signatures of Walter O. Woods and William
H. Woodin are the second scarcest of the
Series of 1928 $1 notes. The 1928C had a
printing of 5,364,348 notes, beginning on
March 21, 1933 and ending on June 1, 1934.
This run of 14 months was quite long in
comparison to the six month press run for the
1928E plates.
Table 1 provides the plate and
production information for the 1928C notes.
Ten plates were prepared, but only 8 made it
into production. Plates 5 and 10, omitted in
Table 1, were masters and not used on the
press. Master plate 5 was destroyed early, on
May 9, 1933, and master plate 10 followed
soon after, on June 23, 1933.
The scarcity of the 1928C notes
becomes more apparent when one considers
that the nine blocks (omitting the *A) in
production during the period the 1928Cs
were numbered equated to almost 900
million notes. The 5.4 million 1928C notes
were only 6 tenths of one percent of that total
production.
1928C Block Rarity
In the 1977 analysis, the big dogs of
the 1928C blocks were CB, FB, and JB, a
status that remains true today. Some of the
other blocks from the 1977 analysis are, if
anything, more available. In the past two
years a fair number of high grade 1928Cs in
the G191xxxxxB range have hit the
numismatic market, almost all in mid to high
uncirculated condition.
This author’s analysis reveals the
circumstances leading to the CB block rarity
differed materially from what caused the FB
and JB rarities.
1928C CB Block
The CB block is scarce because few
sheets were made in time to be numbered
in any quantity during CB block production.
The Bureau of Engraving and
Printing’s serial numbering division began
work on the CB block on May 8, 1933, and
finished the block on June 27 (see Table 2).
Only 1928C plates 1 through 4 and 6 were on
the press in time to catch this block. Plate 1
came first, on March 21, with the others
arriving on press in a staggered fashion
through mid-April. The five plates served
runs from three to six weeks in length (with
one shorter exception discussed below)
during CB block numbering, with an
approximate combined production of less
than 60,000 sheets. That was it for early
1928C press production, which then halted
until an August 22, 1933 re-start.
The 60,000 or fewer pre-August
1928C sheets joined millions of 1928A and
1928B sheets in the numbering division, and
few of these early 1928C sheets received CB
serials.
1928C Plates 7, 8, and 9 had been
finished in April 1933 but were not sent to
press until four months later (Table 1). This
late trio started together on August 22, 1933,
the same time the first five plates returned to
the press. This marked the first time all eight
1928C plates were in use at the same time,
possibly together in an eight-plate, two press
run. The late start for plates 7, 8, and 9 meant
their production of 166,448 sheets, equating
to 37% of the 1928C total production,
entirely missed the numbering of the BB and
CB blocks.
The CB block is scarce, with fourteen
notes known to this author. Thirteen of the
fourteen are in the CB755xxxxxB range,
with a lone earlier note known, C55260204B,
sold by Dean Oakes via his 5th FPL in 1978
(p. 18).
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
82
For real rarity, consider serial number
CB75534340B, a VG from plate 4. Plate 4
had just 88 days of press use, but even those
few days are deceiving when it comes to the
CB block. Plate 4 had four press runs, but
only one was in time to produce sheets for
CB block numbering. The first run for plate 4
was April 6 to April 13, 1933, when Plate 4
was then taken off the press, not to return
until August 22. This short eight-day run was
the only plate 4 run that produced sheets in
time for CB block numbering.
Table 1. 1928C Plates ‐ Dates on Press
Days
Plate 1st Sent Last Dropped on Plate
No. to Press from Press Press Canceled Sheets Notes
1 3/21/1933 2/9/1934 182 2/12/1934 60,280 723,360
2 3/23/1933 10/26/1933 107 10/27/1933 41,605 499,260
3 3/30/1933 6/1/1934 255 4/17/1935 88,255 1,059,060
4 4/6/1933 2/13/1934 88 2/14/1934 30,020 360,240
6 4/14/1933 6/1/1934 200 4/17/1935 60,421 725,052
7 8/22/1933 2/28/1934 159 3/1/1934 45,700 548,400
8 8/22/1933 4/25/1934 188 4/26/1934 59,920 719,040
9 8/22/1933 5/28/1934 209 5/31/1934 60,828 729,936
Totals 1388 447,029 5,364,348
Notes: days on press include first and last day. Masters and canceled plates omitted.
Table does not show individual runs, but all plates had multiple runs on press.
Days on Press column reflects total days per plate, all runs combined.
Source: BEP Ledger and Historical Record of Stock in Miscellaneous Vault.
A scarce Series of 1928C CB block note.
Only five 1928C plates, compared to
nearly 300 hundred other 1928 plates,
were in production when the CB block
was serial numbered
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
83
1928C FB Block
The 1928C FB block is scarce and
similar in availability to the CB block.
The FB block was numbered from
December 22, 1933 to March 9, 1934. By
that time twenty separate press runs had been
made from 1928C plates, and plenty of sheets
were available for the numbering division,
making the FB block circumstances different
than what caused the CB block scarcity.
Unlike the CB block notes, which are tightly
clustered in the C755 and C552 range, the
known FB serials are evenly scattered across
the entire block. But raw statistics still came
into play: the 1928C sheets were meager in
comparison to the hundreds of millions
1928B sheets they were competing with in
the numbering division, and fewer 1928C
sheets received FB serials. It was not until
the GB block was in production that the
1928C sheets hit the numbering division’s
work stream in larger quantities.
Sheets, once seasoned (about a
week’s time), were sent to the numbering
division for serial numbers to be applied.
There was not a strict first-in, first-out
protocol in the division. The sheets from the
several 1928 series were received without
regard to their signatures or series, and pulled
from pallets as needed, in quantities as
needed, to make up the intended numbering
runs. As a result, while the 1928C sheets
were available to the BEP numbering
division while the FB block was being
numbered, they were too few in comparison
to the 1928A and 1928B sheets, and they
were less likely to be pulled for numbering.
Table 2. Series 1928 Block Serial Numbering Dates
BB Jan 23, 1933 to May 8, 1933
CB May 8, 1933 to June 27, 1933
DB June 27, 1933 to Sept 19, 1933
EB Sept 19, 1933 to Dec 22, 1933
FB Dec 22, 1933 to March 9, 1934
GB March 9, 1934 to May 2, 1934
HB May 2, 1934 to Aug 8. 1934
IB Aug 8, 1934 to April 10, 1935
JB April 10, 1935 to May 28, 1935
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
84
1928C JB Block
The final tough block is the JB, and it
is the rarest of the 1928Cs. The JB block was
numbered from April 10 to May 28, 1935.
Yes, that’s 1935, roughly a year after the last
1928C sheets were printed. By this time,
numbering of the remaining 1928 $1 silvers
by series was the luck of the draw – whatever
sheets remained got numbered, and few
1928C sheets remained by then.
On June 1, 1934, the last 1928C
sheets were printed and their plates dropped
from the press. By this time numbering of
the HB block had begun. For the next ten
months, the 1928C sheets received HB and
then IB serials. By April 1935, when the JB
block began, there were still sheets in the
numbering division from the 1928A, B, C, D,
and E series, but very few were 1928C
sheets.
The author has been able to track six
examples, five by serial number and one note
from a Heritage 2005 sale, part of a group lot,
identified by block but not serial. (It could
possibly duplicate one of the five known by
serial number). Dean Oakes, in his March
1996 FPL (p. 19), remarked about the 1928C
as follows: “All are scarce, with the J-B
block very scarce and hard to locate.”
The highest JB block serial used was
J55796000B. The known 1928C JB notes are
clustered in the J43xxxxxxB to J47xxxxxxB
range.
Table 3. 1928E Plates ‐ Dates on Press
Days
Plate Sent Dropped Re‐sent Dropped on Plate
No. to Press from Press to Press from Press Press Canceled Sheets Notes
1 2/18/1934 5/29/1934 5/31/1934 7/16/1934 149 4/17/1935
49,003
588,036
2 4/13/1934 7/16/1934 n/a n/a 95 4/17/1935
31,643
379,716
3 4/19/1934 7/16/1934 n/a n/a 89 4/17/1935
22,175
266,100
4 3/2/1934 5/15/1934 6/18/1934 7/16/1934 104 4/17/1935
56,568
678,816
7 4/13/1934 6/1/1934 n/a n/a 50 6/6/1934
21,450
257,400
8 4/19/1934 7/16/1934 n/a n/a 89 6/4/1934
22,775
273,300
9 4/24/1934 6/12/1934 n/a n/a 50 4/17/1935
15,400
184,800
10 4/19/1934 7/16/1934 n/a n/a 89 4/17/1935
22,775
273,300
11 4/24/1934 5/14/1934 6/18/1934 7/16/1934 50 4/17/1935
10,563
126,756
12 4/19/1934 4/20/1934 4/27/1934 7/16/1934 83 4/17/1935 40,725 488,700
Totals 848
293,077
3,516,924
Notes: days on press column include first and last day. Plates listed are only those sent to press.
Master and canceled plates omitted. Source: BEP Ledger and Historical Record of Stock in
Miscellaneous Vault.
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1928D Notes
With the appointment of William A.
Julian as Treasurer on June 1, 1933, the
signature combination of Julian/Woodin
appeared on the Series of 1928D notes. A
total of 14,451,372 1928Ds were printed,
spanning eight blocks. The 1928D printing
outdistanced the smaller printings of the
1928C and E notes combined. 1928D notes
have proven to be readily available in both
high and circulated grades.
In contrast to the eight 1928C plates
that made it to the press room, forty-three
1928D plates saw time on the presses. 1928D
plate 1 went to press August 22, 1933, and
five 1928D plates were still on the press on
the last day of Series 1928 printing, August
10, 1934.
Contributing to the availability of the
1928D DB block is the fact sixty uncut
1928D sheets were printed (Schwartz/
Lindquist 2011). This contrasts with only
eleven 1928C and twenty-five 1928E uncut
sheets. Many of the early sheets were used by
senior Treasury officials as souvenirs, hand-
cutting notes from the sheets and
autographing them. As of 2011, about half
the 1928D sheets remained uncut, with only
five 1928C and seven 1928E sheets thought
to remain uncut.
The 1928D EB block was the top
scarcity in the 1977 index, and remains that
today. The author has identified ten EB notes
by serial number, and no doubt the serious
numismatic trackers of these early silver
certificates have others recorded. The DB cut
sheet notes and the GB, HB, IB blocks are
seen with regularity. The FB block appears
more than the EB, but less than the others.
The JB notes are less encountered, but given
the author’s casual accumulation of more
than fifteen observations, it seems to be more
available than the 1977 analysis suggested.
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William Julian, left, became FDR’s appointee for U.S. Treasurer on June 1, 1933,
pairing his signature on the Series of 1928D notes with Secretary Woodin, center. When
Woodin fell ill, Henry Morgenthau Jr., right, a close friend, campaign confidante, and Hyde
Park area neighbor of Franklin Roosevelt was sent to Treasury in the fall of 1933 to assist in
Woodin’s absence. After Woodin’s resignation, Morgenthau took office as the new Secretary of
the Treasury on January 1, 1934. Morgenthau’s signature paired with Julian’s were on the
Series of 1928E notes. The long-serving Julian served with successive Secretaries until his death
at age 87 in a car accident in 1949.
1928E Plate Data
Ten 1928E plates produced sheets for
a short five-month span from mid-February
to mid-July of 1934. The short-run scarcity of
the 1928E notes was preordained: by the
winter of 1933/4, before the first 1928E was
even printed, Treasury was already planning
for a new consolidated series of silver
certificates, what ultimately would become
the Series of 1934.
Henry Morgenthau took office as
Secretary of the Treasury on New Year’s
Day 1934, replacing the terminally ill
Woodin. The 1928E notes were more than
just a change in Treasury signatures to
Julian/Morgenthau – they came with a
change in the legal tender clause on the silver
certificates, which now read “This certificate
is legal tender for all debts, public and
private.” If any Treasury official was looking
for justification to get the old series silver
certificate plates off the presses, here was the
ideal time to do it, but it didn’t happen. Sheer
production demands for one dollar bills,
coupled with Depression-era budget
sensibilities for saving money at the BEP,
meant Treasury had no intention of
abandoning usable old-clause plates and kept
them in production alongside the new 1928E
designs. For the history of this change and
the context for the launch of the 1928E
series, see Lofthus/Huntoon/Yakes (2016).
The first of the 1928E plates with the
Julian/Morgenthau signatures and new
clause were begun on February 8, 1934.
Twenty plates were started, but only ten were
finished and certified for production (see
Table 3). The first day on press for a 1928E
plate was plate 1 on February 18, and the first
delivery of the serial number F7200xxxB
notes in uncut sheet form was February 19,
1934 (this paragraph corrects the January
14/February 13 date references in
Lofthus/Huntoon/Yakes 2016).
Unlike the 1928C plates, all of which
were re-entered to extend their use at least
once, and several many times, only four of
the ten 1928E plates were re-entered. The
complete 1928E plate runs are shown
individually in Table 3. Note that Plate 12
saw only two days of use in April before
requiring re-entry. More on this fascinating
plate later.
While more 1928E plates were put on
the press than 1928C plates, a comparison
between Tables 1 and 3 discloses the total
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days on press for all the 1928E plates was
only 848 days compared to 1,388 total press
days for the 1928Cs.
Demise of the 1928 Plates
The first Series 1934 plates went on
the press in June, and by July sufficient
numbers of the new 1934 plates were in
production that the BEP could finally cut off
production of the 1928 series. The last Series
1928E plates were pulled from the presses on
July 16, and the last of any Series 1928 plates
were pulled August 10.
1928 and 1934 plates did not serve
together on a press, and there are no
changeover pairs between 1928 and 1934 $1
silver certificates. This didn’t mean the
abrupt end of the 1928s however, as millions
of printed sheets were stockpiled in the
numbering division. The 1928 stock lasted
until May 28, 1935.
HB, IB, and JB block serials were
applied to the stockpiled Series 1928 notes
while the Series of 1934 notes were in
production and reaching the BEP numbering
division. The concurrent serial numbering of
the 1934 series with the remnant 1928 stock
is what allowed the production of a 1928E
overprint error on a Series 1934 face. At least
one 1934 Julian/Morgenthau sheet was
misplaced with a stack of 1928E
Julian/Morgenthau sheets and received the
Series of 1928E-style overprint, resulting in a
fabulous error note. We know that error
occurred in the first two months of Series
1934 production since the one known error
note is serial H73569603B, and the
numbering of the HB block concluded on
August 8, 1934.
1928E Block Rarity
In Ton’s 1977 article, the GB was the
rarest block, followed by the JB. That
ranking remains true today, but the GB block
is rarer by far. The 1928E plate data in Table
3 discloses the GB and JB scarcity arose from
different circumstances.
1928E GB Block
Ton had observed just two GB block
notes by 1977. Today, their rarity has been
reinforced, with only eight known, fewer
than the eleven 1928E star notes. The 1928E
GB block is rare for the same reason the
1928C CB block is scarce: very few
1928E sheets reached the numbering
division before the GB block was
completed on May 2, 1934 (See Figure 2).
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The GB block was numbered
between March 9 and May 2, 1934. 1928E
plate 1 was the earliest 1928E plate on the
press, starting use on February 18 with the
presentation sheet production that began with
serial F72000001B. After the specially
prepared FB block notes, the next 1928E
notes appear in the GB block with serials in
the G42xxxxxxB range.
When GB block numbering started
March 9, 1928E plate 1 had been in use just
three weeks, and plate 4 just one week. Those
two plates remained on the press through
May, so sheets from these two early-use
1928E plates had the best potential to catch
GB serial numbers.
However, as seen in Table 3 and
Figure 2, the other eight 1928E plates also
started production in April, before the GB
block numbering ended on May 2. Close
analysis of the plate ledger reveals there was
only a miniscule chance any sheets from
these plates could have received GB serials.
Finished sheets typically required
about a week of “seasoning” to dry before
going to the numbering division. Table 3
data indicates that mid-April plate 2 and 7
sheets could have only arrived in the
numbering division with roughly two weeks
left for GB block serial numbering. Four
more 1928E plates went on the press in
mid-April, and with seasoning time, at best
they would have arrived in the numbering
division with about a week left of GB serial
numbering. Plates 9 and 11 went on the press
on April 24, and only their first day or two of
sheet production could have joined the
millions of sheets already in the numbering
division by the last day or two the GB serials
were being applied. In sum, few 1928E
sheets were printed in time to reach the
numbering division while the GB block was
being numbered. Seven of the eight known
GB notes have G42xxxxxxB serials.
This author has plate information for
five of the notes in the GB census, and that
data is revealing: four of the five are from
plate 1, in use since February 18th, and thus
most likely to have been available in the
numbering division when GB serial
numbering was underway. The lone
non-plate 1 note, however, is a real surprise.
1928E note G99333569B breaks the
mold in several ways. It is the only 1928E
GB note outside the G42xxxxxxB cluster in
the census. And, remarkably, it comes from
plate 12. A close look at Table 3 discloses
that plate 12 went on the press April 19, and
served just two days before incurring some
kind of defect that required it be pulled from
the press and re-entered. Plate 12 did not
return to the press until April 27, meaning
none of those second-run sheets could have
feasibly reached the numbering division
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before GB serial numbering was over on
May 2. Consequently, we know
G99333569B came from the tiny two-day
first press run for plate 12. Perhaps the April
19-20 sheets were grabbed as they arrived in
the numbering division in order to add
sufficient sheets to a large numbering run of
other series sheets just as the GB block was
ending.
It appears very few plate 12 sheets
were serially numbered in the G99xxxxxxB
range. The author has recorded book-end
notes to the 1928E GB99333569B note as
follows:
1928D G99099968B
1928E G99333569B
1928A G99388413B
1928E JB
With the passage of time since 1977, it
appears the 1928E JB block is more available
than Ton originally observed. It is still scarce
compared to the FB, HB, and IB blocks, but it
is not in the GB rarity class. The author has
counted twenty JB examples by serial
number, only a few of which are nice VF or
better. Most are extensively circulated, often
washed or with other problems. On the other
hand, Ton’s high rarity assessment for
AU/UNC JBs does appear to have withstood
the test of time.
Unlike the GB block, there is nothing
exotic about why the 1928E JB block is
scarce. It is scarce for the same reason 1928C
JBs are rare. Numbering of the remaining
1928 sheets for 1928 series was drawing to a
close in April/May 1935, and the JB serials
were applied to whatever sheets were still
left. Few 1928E sheets remained, although
there were more 1928E sheets than 1928C
sheets.
1928C, D, and E Stars
The highly coveted *A blocks in all
three series were great rarities in 1977 and
remain so today. Their numbers have
increased a little in forty years, but no groups
have appeared to upset the marketplace or
their relative rarity. The rarity of the stars for
the series 1928C, D, and E follows the
relative scarcity of the three series in general:
the 1928D star is the most available, with just
shy of two dozen known; the 1928C star has
fifteen or so examples known; and the 1928E
is the rarest with eleven known.
A Tantalizing Changeover Pair Possibility
A 1928C and E plate discussion
should not conclude without noting a
potential rarity that remains undiscovered – a
1928C-1928E changeover pair, or COP. The
plate data shows that a 1928C/1928E
changeover pair was possible, but chances
are slim any were made.
A changeover pair consists of two
consecutively numbered notes of different
series, e.g., a 1928B signature combination
where the immediately following serial
number is a 1928C or 1928D signature
combination. 1928C changeover pairs have
been found with 1928A, B, and D notes, but
not 1928Es.
Limiting the changeover potential is
the fact that 1928C plates 1, 2, and 4 were
pulled from production before the 1928E
plates arrived, and 1928E plates 1 and 4 had
only short February/March runs while 1928C
plates were on the press.
The meaningful period for 1928C/E
overlap was during a five week window from
late April through May 1934 when 1928C
plates 3, 6, 8, and 9 served in the press room
with as many as ten 1928E plates. However,
the pairing likelihood remained small as
nearly three hundred other Series of 1928
plates were also on the presses. (A
changeover pair could also have been
produced in the numbering division if a
1928C sheet was followed by a 1928E sheet
or vice-versa, simply by happenstance).
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Conclusion
The Series 1928C and E notes
constitute a numismatic Hat Trick: they’re
legitimately scarce, they’re avidly collected,
and they’ve got a fascinating history. Forty
years of numismatic searching has brought a
few more notes to the marketplace in certain
blocks, but overall they remain the scarce and
even rare notes and blocks they were when
Graeme Ton published his rarity index in
1977.
Anyone interested in block and plate
data should have a field day with the tables
and figures in this article, courtesy of the
Bureau of Engraving and Printing Historical
Resource Center and the National Archives.
This analysis demonstrates the 1928C
and 1928E series contain some very tough
blocks that make for a collecting challenge.
A few rare blocks challenge even their
renowned star-note counterparts in rarity.
The passage of time has confirmed that any
original, unmolested 1928C or 1928E note in
a high circulated grade is a scarce note and
should be highly regarded for both its history
and its scarcity.
Acknowledgments
Hallie Brooker of the BEP Historical
Resource Center graciously provided copies
of the 1928C and 1928E plate summaries for
this article. Jamie Yakes provided welcome
production insights and editorial suggestions.
Selected note images courtesy of Heritage
Auctions. Photographs of Treasury officials
are courtesy of the Library of Congress.
References Cited
Bureau of Engraving and Printing, Historical
Resource Center, $1 silver certificate plate
summaries for 1928C & 1928E Silver
Certificates.
Bureau of Engraving and Printing. Ledger and
Historical Record of Stock in Miscellaneous
Vault, $1 Silver Certificate Face Plate
Histories for Series 1928C, D, and E.
Bureau of Engraving and Printing. Custodian of dies,
rolls, and plates, undated, ledger and
historical record of stock in miscellaneous
vault, 4-8-12 subject silver certificates
1899-1935 series: Record Group 318,
National Archives, College Park, MD.
Hall, Alvin W., Director, Bureau of Engraving and
Printing, May 15, 1934. Memorandum to
Herbert Gaston, Special Assistant to the
Secretary of the Treasury regarding the status
of printing plates and signatures in
production. Bureau of the Public Debt files,
Record Group 53, Box 1, National Archives,
College Park, MD.
Heritage Auction Archives, Heritage, Dallas, TX.
2017.
Hickman, John; and Oakes, Dean, 23rd Auction Sale,
March 27, 1984. Iowa City, Iowa. 1984.
Knight, Lyn. Auction Archives, Lenexa, KS. 2017.
Lofthus, Lee; Huntoon, Peter; and Yakes, Jamie,
May/June 2016, Launch of the Series of
1928E $1 Silver Certificates: Paper Money,
v. LV, pp. 162-168.
Oakes, Dean. 5th Issue Currency FPL 1978, and 23rd
Issue Currency FPL March 1996. Iowa City,
Iowa. 1978, 1996.
Schwartz, John; Lindquist, Scott, Standard Guide to
U.S. Small Size Paper Money, 10th Ed.
Krause Publications, Iola WI. 2011.
Ton, Graeme M. Jr., Jul-Aug 1977, A Rarity
Index - Depression Notes 1928-C-D-E:
Paper Money, v. 41, pp. 216-219.
Treasury Department, History of the Bureau of
Engraving and Printing, 100 Years,
1862-1962. U.S. Government Printing
Office. Washington, D.C. 1962.
Pp-158-159.+
Yakes, Jamie, Jul-Aug 2015, First serials on legal
tender 1928 United States notes: Paper
Money, v. 54, pp. 190-193.
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Central States
Numismatic Society
78th Anniversary Convention
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(Bourse Hours – April 25 – 12 noon-6pm
Early Birds: $125 Registration Fee)
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Ask for the “Central States Numismatic Society” Convention Rate.
Problems booking? - Call Convention Chairman Kevin Foley at (414) 807-0116
Free Hotel Guest and Visitor Parking.
• Numismatic Educational Forum
• Educational Exhibits
• 300 Booth Bourse Area
• Heritage Coin Signature Sale
• Heritage Currency Signature Sale
• Educational Programs
• Club and Society Meetings
• Free Hotel Guest and Visitor Parking
• Complimentary Public Admission:
Thursday-Friday-Saturday
No Pesky
Sales Tax in
Illinois
Patented Lettering
on Bureau of Engraving and Printing
products
The Big Picture
George Washington Casilear was awarded two patents on May 6, 1873 for processes that
streamlined how engraved lettering could be added to intaglio printing plates in order to form words. The
essence of his approach was that complete character sets of a given style and size were engraved once on a
steel die. The characters were then taken up individually on a transfer roll so that they could be transferred
one at a time to construct text on a printing plate or another die.
This approach contrasted with the prevailing costly and time-consuming practice of engraving text
from scratch each time it was needed wherein an engraver cut the same letters in the same style and size
over and over again. The process was immediately adopted at the BEP under his direction in 1873 and
widely used to make intaglio plates thereafter.
Casilear was employed by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing at the time, having entered service
on December 1, 1862 with its forerunner printing operation in the Treasury Department as an assistant in
model design. He became Superintendent of the Plate Vault and next Chief Engraver. He was billed as
Superintendent of Engraving and Transferring on a series of specimen books made in 1883.
The first appearance of letters made by his patented process on currency plates wholly designed
and engraved at the BEP were those on the faces of the $10 Series of 1873 circulating notes. Those notes
had been called for in a surprise rider to an appropriation act passed March 3, 1873. The legislation allocated
$600,000 for replacing national bank notes that had been counterfeited.
Casilear’s patented lettering process arrived at the BEP at what turned out to be an inopportune
time. Progressively more intaglio designing, engraving and printing work was being assigned to the BEP
for Treasury items of all types—currency, bonds, revenue stamps—instead of being contracted out to the
bank note companies. The bank note company management responded by waging all–out war on the quality
of the BEP work through lobbying efforts, in the press and by means of letter–writing campaigns to
Congressmen and Treasury officials in an attempt to regain their lost contracts. They specifically excoriated
Figure 1. The large letters and charter numbers on the faces of the unadopted $10 Series of 1873
circulating notes were laid–in one character at a time using the process patented by George W.
Casilear.
The Paper
Column
by
Peter Huntoon
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Casilear in general as Chief Engraver and in particular by mounting an unrelenting attack on his patented
lettering technology.
The Patents
Casilear was awarded several patents pertaining to securities printing during his career, the two of
interest here being 138,614 and 138,613 filed March 29, 1873. The awarding of the numbers happened to
be reversed because patent 138,613 built on 138,614.
Both patents involved dies and rolls. A die is a flat piece of steel into which an engraver cut lines
that were designed to hold ink. This created an intaglio image where intaglio means that the image to be
printed consisted of recesses cut into the surface of the die. The lettering on dies was reverse–reading.
A roll is a solid steel cylinder that was rocked back and forth over a die under sufficient force that
the steel on its surface flowed into the recesses cut into the die. The resulting raised image on the surface
of the roll was a mold of the image on the die. Once hardened, the roll could be used to transfer the image
to other dies or to printing plates where once again the image would be intaglio and reverse–reading.
The concept embodied in patent 138,614 was that an engraver engraved a complete alphabet of
some given style and size onto a die. The die was hardened and then, through the use of a transfer press,
the letters were picked up individually around the circumference of a transfer roll as shown on Figure 2.
The transfer roll was then hardened and used to lay–in the individual letters as required to form words on a
printing plate or another die. The benefit was that the engraver had only to engrave a given letter once in a
particular size and style. Of course, the same could be done with numbers or symbols.
A given alphabet could consist of plain–looking letters that after being laid–in were shaded as a
separate operation using a ruling machine or another technique. More efficiently, though, the alphabet could
consist of completed highly ornamented letters, even those superimposed on a common background such
as a rosette or similar device, that required no additional work once laid–in.
Patent 138,613 was an embellishment on the concept but required a host of transfer rolls. The idea
here was to make 26 transfer rolls—one roll for each letter in the alphabet—each containing pairs of letters
around their circumferences as illustrated on Figure 3. Notice that the left letter in all the pairs on a roll is
the same, whereas the right letters cycle through the alphabet.
To spell out Washington, the siderographer would first select the W–roll and dial in the WA pair
and transfer that pair to the plate. Next, he would select the A-roll and dial in the AS pair. Using the A
already on the plate from the WA pair as a guide, he would insert the A from the AS pair into the existing
Figure 2. Roll with all the letters of an alphabet of the same size and style
that was used to lay–in individual letters one at a time to compose text on a
plate or die.
Figure 3. The first two of 26 rolls—one for each letter of the
alphabet—used to lay–in pairs of letters. The letter on the right side
in a pair served as a guide upon which the same letter from the left
side on the succeeding roll was placed as the text was walked from
left to right across the plate or die. The result was perfect horizontal
spacing between the letters.
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A from the WA pair and roll in the S. In like manner, successive letters would be walked across the plate
with the guarantee that all would be perfectly spaced and aligned.
The downside of using the paired letter rolls was that the poor siderographer was forced to
continually switch rolls as he composed text. Even so, the cost savings were considerable compared to
paying an engraver to cut the text from scratch.
Figure 4. Transfer press used to
transfer intaglio images from dies to
rolls or from rolls to dies and plates.
The beam above the roll is lowered
which presses the roll against the die.
The large handwheel allows the
siderographer to move the bed back
and forth causing the roll to turn
against the die in order to pick up the
image engraved on it or to lay an
image from a roll onto a die or plate.
The force exerted through the roll is a
few tons per square inch. Modified
from Dickinson (1895, Fig. 6).
Figure 5. A vignette on a die that is being picked up on a roll on a modern transfer press. BEP photo.
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Casilear’s patented letters did not have to stand alone on an open field. They could be superimposed
onto previously entered engraved objects. For example, the letters could be rolled into tombstones when
used to build national bank note title blocks.
In practice, if lines of text had to be repeated, even to make only three or four subjects on a given
currency plate, the lettering typically was laid–in on dies, then lifted on new transfer rolls, which then
allowed that text to be reused as often as needed. Entire title blocks were handled this way on $5 nationals.
Use
Probably the first use of patented letters on issued currency occurred in the fall of 1875 when the
BEP began making Series of 1875 national bank note face plates. A sundry civil appropriation bill dated
March 3, 1875 required “the final printing and finishing to be executed in the Treasury Department.” In
August 1875, Secretary of the Treasury Benjamin H. Bristow directed that faces of nationals be printed at
the Bureau (Comptroller of the Currency, 1875, p. LVII). The first Series of 1875 shipment from a face
plate made at, or at least completed at, the Bureau arrived at the Comptroller of the Currency’s office
November 6th from a 5-5-5-5 plate for The Metropolitan National Bank of Boston (2289).
The Series of 1878 silver certificates were designed by George Casilear as Chief Engraver and
utilized his patented lettering process on both the faces and backs. Virtually all the lettering on them except
the items written in script were thus made. The same can be said for the Series of 1882 gold certificates.
The golden era for the patented letters came with the Series of 1882 brown backs, especially on the
$5s, the face design of which was wholly produced by BEP personnel led by Casilear. The majority of $5
title blocks made between 1882 and mid-1885 sported patented lettering, and their quaint appearance causes
them to be among the most avidly sought notes in the series. Of course, patented lettering was used on the
higher denomination brown backs of the same vintage as well. The laying–out of national bank note title
blocks was an ideal application for the technique.
Figure 6. The Series of 1875 plate for the Keene bank was among the first made by the BEP.
Keene was laid-in using patented letters. Those same distinctive ornamented and shaded letters
were used on several plates including these $5s, which were made years apart.
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Figure 7. Virtually all the lettering on the faces and backs of the Series of 1878 and 1880 silver certificates
except the script items were laid–in using Casilear’s patented lettering process, even the bold silver dollars on
the faces and United States, silver and certificate across the backs. Heritage Auction Archives photo.
Figure 8. Aside from the script items, the lettering on the faces of Series of 1882 gold certificates
has the obvious look of Casilear’s patented lettering. Compare Gold Coin with Denton on Figure
9. Heritage Auction Archives photo.
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Although Casilear was employed by the government, the patents were in his name and he retained
ownership of them. Besides the two pertaining to the patented lettering process, he also held others that
were used by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing. He did not patent his ideas for his health, but did not
receive royalty payments for their use. Instead, he was compensated with an unusually high salary as Chief
Engraver, which in 1885 was reported to be $5,000 per year. In contrast “The highest salary given to any
of the other engravers is $8.75 per day so that the best among them cannot make more than $2,600 a year
if constantly employed” (New York Times, Apr 18, 1885).
The Firestorm
The roof fell in on George Casilear in 1885 with the
election of Democrat Grover Cleveland to his first term, which
began March 4, 1885. This was when the festering criticisms
leveled at the Bureau of Engraving and Printing by the bank
note companies in retaliation for their lost contracts overtook
the Bureau. But the fuse wasn’t lit by the bank note companies;
instead, the match was struck inside Treasury.
Upon taking office in March 1877, Secretary of the
Treasury John Sherman appointed a committee of three to
examine the operations of the Bureau. It was the Cleveland
administration that implemented some of the tougher reforms
recommended by the committee.
A key player in this drama was long–term Treasury
employee Edward O. Graves who was first appointed to a
clerical position in 1864, and who had worked his way up to
Assistant Treasurer by 1883. Through his various positions, he
proved to be a tireless champion of civil service reform with
its goal to supplant spoils appointments with a merit-based
system. Along the way, he was repeatedly called upon to
examine and report upon potential problems in the Treasury
Department.
The New York Times reported on May 10, 1885:
When, in 1881, Mr. Casilear, the late chief engraver of the
Bureau of Engraving and Printing, preferred a claim against the
department for the use of certain patented devices employed in
the preparation of the Government notes, Mr. Graves made a report on that subject severely criticizing the
inartistic results of the employment of designs for which Mr. Casilear asked payment.
* * *
His most interesting report is that made in 1877 on the Bureau of Engraving and Printing. Mr. Graves was
Chairman of a committee consisting of Edward Wolcutt, E. R. Chapman, and E. O. Graves. These
gentlemen were directed to pursue their examination with reference to ascertaining the efficiency of the
service, the number, character and compensation of its employees, the comparative cost of work done in
the bureau and in private establishments, as well as to inquire into any matter affecting its management and
means of promoting its economy and efficiency. The report was unfavorable to the bureau. “The looseness
and extravagances which have marked its management, and the scandals to which it has given rise,” said
the report, “furnish the strongest possible argument against the engagement of the Government in branches
of industry which are ordinarily left to private enterprise.” The committee suggested that a better system of
appointment, the exclusion of political influence, and the exercise of closer supervision over the
management of the bureau might go far to redeem its reputation, but it was still of the opinion that bank-
note engraving and printing was essentially a private industry of a peculiar and technical nature, to which
Figure 9. Preceding page. The poster child for the application of patent lettering came in the form of the title
blocks used on the Series of 1882 national bank note faces produced from the start of the series until mid-1885.
These are but a few of the plethora of varieties that resulted.
Figure 10. George W. Casilear. Photo
from Hessler (1993, p. 80).
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the ordinary methods of public administration were not applicable. It declared it to be its judgement that it
would be a wise measure to relegate to private hands the printing of public securities, confining the
functions of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing to imprinting upon Government securities and money
the seal of the department and the final authentication of genuineness.
Graves’ star was about to rise with Cleveland’s election.
President Cleveland appointed Daniel Manning as his Secretary of the Treasury on March 8, 1885,
four days after taking office. Manning worked his way up from modest means to become president of the
Albany Argus newspaper and president of The National Commercial Bank of Albany. He was a close friend
and supporter of Samuel J. Tilden, New York’s former Democratic governor and 1876 presidential
candidate, whom he worked with in opposition to the corruption of New York City’s Tammany Hall
politicians.
Cleveland appointed Manning to the Secretary
post as a reformer on Tilden’s recommendation,
consistent with Cleveland’s platform pledge for
government reform. Thereafter, Manning developed
into one of Cleveland’s most trusted advisors
(MillerCenter and New Your Times, Dec 25, 1887).
It is apparent that agitation by the bank note
companies coupled with Grave’s reports had made
Manning weary of the BEP. On April 16, he replaced
Casilear as Chief Engraver with John A. O’Neil, a
picture engraver and former Mayor of Hoboken, New
Jersey, at a salary of $3,600 (New York Times, Apr 17,
1885). Casilear was not fired but rather demoted.
Information provided to the New York Times
(Apr 18, 1885) justifying the change led to the following
reporting.
The assertion has been made to-day that Mr. Casilear
never touched a graver or plate in the production of a
Government note. Although an engraver he has devoted
himself almost exclusively to designing, and the silver
certificates, the bonds and the later national bank notes
are of his designing. Some years ago he arranged and
patented a series of alphabets for use in making plates,
and this contrivance, although not a novel one to the
business, was bought by an increase of compensation,
and has since been kept in use by Mr. Casilear. A report made upon the management of the Bureau of
Engraving and Printing by a commission, of which Mr. E. O. Graves was a member, found that the continual
use of this alleged invention rendered all work produced by its use stiff and inartistic, and made the silver
certificates the ugliest notes issued. Secretary Manning has long had notions of his own about the work
produced by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing and he was determined that if a change of the head of
the engraving division was necessary to secure more satisfactory and pleasing results, it should be made.
* * *
J. E. Currier, Assistant Secretary of the American Bank Note Company, said he had inquired among the
members of the company, and they knew absolutely nothing about John A. O’Neil, newly appointed
Superintendent of Engraving in the Bureau of Engraving and Printing. He thought anything he might say
would not affect the reputation of George W. Casilear, retiring incumbent, as it was generally known that
he had not filled the position satisfactorily.
* * *
According to Mr. Lee’s opinion [Homer Lee, of the Homer Lee Bank Note Company], Casilear was far
from an efficient officer. “He’s not a practical engraver,” he said, “but he’s more what you might call a
political engraver. I believe he went into the department first as a plate cleaner, and he was afterward a
vault keeper, which would go to show that he never actually did any work with the tools.”
Figure 11. Daniel Manning, Secretary of the
Treasury, 1885-7.
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Secretary Manning next appointed Conrad N.
Jorden to succeed A. U. Wyman as U. S. Treasurer on
May 1st. Jordan was an accomplished New York banker
with a solid reputation for creating order out of the chaos
of the failure of the Gold Exchange Bank in 1869. He
later served as Treasurer of the New York, Ontario and
Western Railroad, where it was said he looked after the
interests of Samuel Tilden, former governor of New
York, in that corporation (New York Times, Apr 23,
1885).
Jordan was a reformer who helped the Cleveland
campaign to draw up plans to clean up the Treasury
Department. It was Manning’s objective that Jordan bring
business acumen to the Treasury Department upon his
appointment.
Edward Graves was appointed Chief of the
Bureau of Engraving and Printing on May 9th by Manning
“to carry out his intention to have sound business
methods have something to do with the administration of
a bureau which needs improvement” (New York Times,
May 10, 1885).
The New York Times (May 14, 1885) then
reported:
A published report that the appointment of Assistant
Treasurer Graves as Chief of the Bureau of Engraving and
Printing is in accordance with a plan for the abolition of
that bureau and a return to the method of having United
States notes and securities printed by contract with
private companies is unfounded and preposterous in the
opinion of all Treasury officials and others capable of
judging. * * * His aim of recent years has been to
increase its efficiency and importance as a branch of the
Government, and decrease the expense of its operations.
He is strongly in favor of the continuance of all the
essential features of the bureau and the extension of its
operations to other branches of Government.
Cleveland’s Treasury reform team was now in
place.
Patent Lettering Discontinued
BEP Chief Edward Graves immediately
implemented steps to discontinue the use of patented
lettering. In his first annual report dated November 16,
1885, he stated (Graves, 1885, p. 8-9):
The artistic quality of much of the work produced by the
Bureau is unsatisfactory. Most of the securities engraved
of late years have been largely made up of a patented
lettering, which is stiff, inartistic, and unsuited to work
of the quality required for the securities of the
Government. A great amount of money has been
expended in the preparation of alphabets and numerals
by the patented process. * * * It will be the aim hereafter
to discard as rapidly as possible these inferior processes,
Figure 13. Edward O. Graves, Chief of the
Bureau of Engraving and Printing, 1885-9.
BEP photo.
Figure 12. Conrad N. Jordan, U. S. Treasurer,
1885-7. From Harper’s Weekly, May 2, 1885.
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and to replace the securities produced by them with work of the first quality from new and artistic designs.
Graves reported in 1886 (Graves, 1886, p. 4):
Plates for the one-dollar [Series of 1886 silver] certificate were completed on September 6, 1886, and the
first delivery of the certificates was made to the Treasurer of the United States on the 20th of that month
less than seven weeks after the passage of the act authorizing their issue. * * * The plates for the two-dollar
certificates are nearly finished, and the certificates will be ready for issue during the month of November.
Work has been begun, also, upon the plates for the five–dollar certificate, the only other denomination
authorized. In this and all other new work engraved by the Bureau the use of the so–called patent lettering
has been discarded. This change has not only led to better and more artistic results, but has greatly reduced
the expenses of the engraving branch. It is the purpose to gradually replace the plates produced by this
method with new plates engraved by hand.
Changing of the Guard
President Cleveland’s first term expired on March 4, 1889, when Republican Benjamin Harrison
took office. Secretary of the Treasury Daniel Manning and U. S. Treasurer Conrad Jorden were long gone
from Treasury by then. Manning effectively ceased working at the end of March 1886 owing to poor health,
and was replaced by Charles S. Fairchild in April 1887. James W. Hyatt succeeded Jordan in May 1887.
When Harrison swept into office, the top seats went to Republicans; specifically, William Windom
as Secretary of the Treasury and J. N. Houston as Treasurer. BEP reformer Chief Graves also left, being
replaced by William Meredith.
Figure 14. The fabulous patented lettering font used to spell out GOLD CERTIFICATE was too good not to be
used elsewhere. Both of these plates were laid–in during 1882. What a legacy for George Washington Casilear!
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Casilear was rehabilitated and elevated to Superintendent of the Engraving Division. He had waited
out the storm and seemed vindicated. However, revival of the use of his patented lettering process was
severely curtailed.
But then Cleveland won a second term in 1893 and the Democrats were back. Casilear was 68 at
the time so he retired from the Bureau on October 30, 1893. He died in 1912 in Charlottesville, Virginia
(Hessler, 1993, p. 80).
Context
There is a lot embodied in this tale and it is worth drawing some of it out.
Secretary Manning, Treasurer Jordan and BEP Chief Graves were reformers who rode in on the
coattails of President Cleveland in 1885, a fiscally conservative Democrat who in part came in on a pledge
to shake up the bureaucracy and streamline things. The Bureau of Engraving and Printing made for an easy
target because it was a large operation with a bloated work force, most of which was not covered by the
Civil Service Act of 1883.
Now that the reformers were in the driver’s seat, they could carry out their perceived mandate to
operate the BEP on a business–like basis. BEP Chief Graves was a Treasury insider who knew the system
and its ills. Much of his career had been devoted to moving the government workforce out from under the
political spoils system and into civil service classifications, so he pursued that objective at the Bureau. He
actively sought out redundancies and inefficiencies in processing and attempted to modernize or eliminate
them. To this end, he aggressively attempted to mechanize Bureau operations wherever possible. One prime
example was replacing hand-operated printing presses with 4-plate Milligan steam–powered intaglio
presses.
Generally, reformer is code for cutting employment rolls. Graves (1886, p. 7) proudly advised that
between March 1, 1885 and October 1, 1886, the number of employees in the Bureau had been cut from
1,145 to 817, “accomplished only by taking advantage of every opportunity to simplify the methods of
doing the work and to dispense with unnecessary employees.” On June 29, 1888, President Cleveland
ordered that virtually all of the positions in the Bureau be covered by the Civil Service Act (BEP, 1959, p.
55).
These were cost-saving measures but, from the perspective of labor, they translated into lost jobs
and plenty of them. Graves’ mechanization of the printing presses ultimately ran into interference in the
form of Congressional tinkering with appropriation bills as the howls of the workforce reached sympathetic
ears on Capitol Hill. The fleet of Milligan presses, which accounted for more than a third of the work of the
Bureau in 1888, were stilled in 1889. It would take until World War I for the Bureau to fully transition back
to the unrestricted use of state–of–the–art mechanized 4-plate intaglio printing presses for currency
production. The Bureau wasn’t a business; it was a government agency.
Graves’ 1877 committee understood and agreed with the initial purpose for the printing operation
that was housed in the Treasury Building early in the Civil War. Specifically, it received incomplete
currency from the bank note companies and overprinted the Treasury seals on it in order to monetize the
notes. Thus, actual monetization resided with the Treasurer’s office.
By 1877, the Civil War Treasury printing operation had evolved into the BEP, which was carrying
out all the printing operations for the nation’s currency, and was soon to occupy its own building. The
committee felt that it was inappropriate for the Bureau to be turning out fully functional money, so as a
safeguard against fraud, it recommended that sealing be transferred to the Treasurer’s office. Upon
assuming office, Treasurer Jordan agitated for its return to his office, which was authorized by Secretary
Manning, and accomplished by July 16, 1885. This definitely was not efficient, but it lodged the
responsibility for monetizing the notes with the appropriate Treasury official. It would take until 1910 for
sealing of type notes to return to the BEP— justified in 1910 as a cost–cutting measure (Huntoon and
Lofthus, 2014, p. 402-406)!
Secretary Manning and Chief Graves were not enamored with Casilear’s currency designs. How
much either was influenced by the industry smear campaign against the Federally produced currency cannot
be known fully; however, that campaign provided technical talking points that were convenient for Graves
and his committee to use in their 1877 report, and for Manning to use once in office.
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Manning had demoted Casilear before Graves arrived at the helm of the BEP, but Graves followed
through by shutting down the patented lettering process, which had been so disparaged by the securities
printing industry.
Another focal point for industry vitriol were the backs of the Series of 1882 brown backs that
Casilear designed. Graves had no use for them either and by 1888 was all for getting rid of them entirely.
He wrote the following to Comptroller of the Currency William L. Trendolm on January 11th.
In the backs of the series of 1882 the old borders have been retained, but the beautiful black vignettes have
been dropped, and the space formerly occupied by them has been filled in with geometric lathe-work of a
cheap and open design. This lathe-work affords little protection against counterfeiting, inasmuch as it is cut
directly on the bed-piece so as to print the dark lines, while, in order to insure the best protection from this
class of work it should be reversed, so as to show the white lines. These backs are printed in brown ink,
and over the lathe-work covering the center of the plate the charter number of the bank is printed in green
ink from brass dies on an ordinary power press. The combination of the two printings is ugly in the extreme.
It does not furnish adequate security against counterfeiting, and it is greatly inferior to the backs of the
series of 1875 which it replaced. I therefore earnestly urge that, if the necessary appropriation can be
obtained, the two plate printings of the old design be restored. If necessary, in order to distinguish the backs
of the notes issued under this proposition from those of the series of 1875, the color of the border may be
changed from green to some other appropriate color.
If we objectively view the faces of Series of 1878 silver certificates and 1882 gold certificates that
Casilear designed, they come across as rather plain looking. They are in fact visually overwhelmed by text
rather than vignettes. Although the individual lines of patented lettering used on them often are very
distinctive, the mix of different fonts comes across as busy. Graves replaced the silver certificates with the
Series of 1886, and those designs were an improvement.
Manning and Jordan organized The Western National Bank of the City of New York, charter 3700,
on February 9, 1887, before both had officially left their Federal offices. The bank was chartered May 9th
with Manning as president, but he was not in good health (New York Times, Oct 17, 1897).
Former Secretary of the Treasury Daniel Manning died December 24, 1887. His portrait,
reproduced here as Figure 11, was used on the $20 Series of 1886 and 1891 silver certificates. Having his
portrait on a Series of 1886 note may appear paradoxical because an act passed April 7, 1866 forbade the
use of portraits of living people on currency and bonds. However, the first 1,000 sheets of $20 Series of
1886 notes weren’t delivered to the Treasurer until fiscal year 1888 (Fairchild, 1888, p. 9), because they
were still printing $20 Series of 1880 silver certificates in fiscal year 1887.
Figure 15. BEP Chief Edward Graves stated in 1888 that the centers of the banks of the Series of
1882 national bank notes consisted of “geometric lathe-work of a cheap and open design” and
that they should be discontinued.
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The Broad View
When collectors view the work of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, they tend to see it through
the prism of their specialty. For example, currency collectors and philatelists put on their respective blinders
and begin to think that the BEP was there solely to create objects for their particular constituency. Of course,
this is nonsense. The BEP was the government’s securities printer, first taking on the work of the Treasury
Department but then accepting work from other departments and agencies, most notably the Post Office
Department.
The BEP used the same technologies, the same personnel and the same machines for all of this
work. Use of Casilear’s patent letting process transcended these boundaries as well. Once available, the
various intaglio character sets that were created by Casilear’s engravers and siderographers found
themselves used on all sorts of BEP products during the Casilear era.
A readily identifiable example is the widely used character set used to spell out GOLD COIN on
the Gold Certificate illustrated on Figure 8 and DENTON on National Bank Note title block on Figure 9.
This character set was created as shown on Figure 17 by superimposing the individual characters onto a
rosette that was created on a geometric lathe. The conjoined elements were picked up one at a time onto a
transfer roll. Siderographers composed the text on title block dies, plates or whatever, by laying in the
elements one at a time.
Figure 16. The title block on the $5 Series of 1882
plate made in 1887 for Manning’s and Jordan’s
Western National in 1887 was not made using
Casilear’s patented lettering process! It would be a
coup to find one of the early notes from the bank with
Jordan’s signature as president mated with his
engraved signature as U. S. Treasurer after he
succeeded Manning.
Figure 17. Character set
made by superimposing
letters and numbers onto
a common rosette made
on a geometric lathe.
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Figure 18 illustrates the use of this same character set on large-format revenue tax stamps. Once
you begin to recognize character strings made using the patented lettering process, you find them on all
sorts of Bureau products.
Figure 18. Large-format tax stamps utilizing the same character set illustrated in Figure 17 to build FIVE on
the top stamp and ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS on the bottom. Photos courtesy of Bob Kvederas Jr.
Figure 19. With the possible exception of the line of script lettering at the top, all the lettering on the back
of this Series of 1878 Silver Certificate was made from character sets laid-in using Casilear’s patented
lettering process. Does the character set used to lay out 100 in the left border look familiar?
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Sources and References Cited
Bureau of Engraving and Printing, 1863-1929, Certified proofs lifted from currency plates: National Numismatic Collection,
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC.
Bureau of Engraving and Printing, 1888, Correspondence to and from the Bureau of Engraving and Printing: Record Group 318,
U. S. National Archives, College Park, MD.
Bureau of Engraving and Printing, 1962, History of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, 1862-1962: U. S. Government Printing
Office, Washington, DC, 199 p.
Casilear, George W., May 6, 1873, Improvement in the methods of engraving bank–note plates, case A: U. S. patent Office, Patent
number 138,613 (from the files of the BEP Historical Resource Center, Washington, DC).
Casilear, George W., May 6, 1873, Improvement in the methods of engraving bank–note plates, case B: U. S. Patent Office, Patent
number 138,612 (from the files of the BEP Historical Resource Center, Washington, DC).
Comptroller of the Currency, 1875, Annual report of the Comptroller of the Currency to the First Session of the Forty Fourth
Congress of the United States: Government Printing Office, Washington, DC, LXVI p. plus appendices.
Dickinson, C. W., Mar 1895, Copper, steel, and bank-note engraving: The Popular Science Monthly, v. 46, p. 597-613.
Fairchild, Charles S., 1888, Report on the operations of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing for the fiscal year 1888: U. S.
Government Printing Office, 18 p.
Graves, Edward O., 1886, Report on the operations of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing for the fiscal year 1885: U. S.
Government Printing Office, 19 p.
Graves, Edward O., 1887, Report on the operations of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing for the fiscal year 1886: U. S.
Government Printing Office, 18 p.
Graves, Edward O., Jan 11, 1888, Letter to Comptroller of the Currency William L. Trenholm pertaining to the brown backs used
on the Series of 1882 national bank notes: Correspondence from the Director of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing:
Record Group 318, U. S. National Archives, College Park, MD.
Graves, Edward O., Edward Wolcott and E. R. Chapman, June 10, 1877, Report on the Bureau of Engraving and Printing made by
the Committee of Investigations appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury: Government Printing Office, Washington,
DC, 52 p. with 10-page supplement consisting of an exchange of letters written by Secretary of the Treasury John
Sherman and Chief of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, Edward McPherson.
Hessler, Gene, 1993, The Engraver’s Line: BNR Press, Port Clinton, OH, 437 p.
Huntoon, Peter, and Lee Lofthus, Nov-Dec, 2014, The birth of star notes, the back story: Paper Money, v. 53, p. 400-411.
New York Times, Apr 17, 1885, Notes from the Capital.
New York Times, Apr 18, 1885, The new chief engraver; Mr. Casilear’s removal considered a good thing.
New York Times, Apr 23, 1885, A new Treasurer chosen; Mr. Wyman resigns; and Mr. Jordan is appointed.
New York Times, May 10, 1885, Promotion for merit; a proof of sincerity in civil service reform; the appointment of Edward O.
Graves as Chief of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing.
New York Times, May 14, 1885, MR. Graves and his new office.
New York Times, Dec 25, 1887, Mr. Manning’s career; outline of the life of one who made himself.
New York Times, Oct 17, 1897, Conrad N. Jordan.
United States Statutes, March 3, 1875, An act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the government for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1876, and for other purposes: Government Printing Office, Washington, DC.
http://millercenter.org/president/essays/manning-1885-secretary-of-the-treasury
Figure 20. All these letters
are from the same character
set laid-in using Casilear’s
patented lettering process.
The fine shading on the top
two was scribed in after the
letters were laid in. The
letters were superimposed
onto the tombstone on the
bottom example.
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Unusual Confederate Printed Backs
by Michael McNeil
“Ray” and “Bar” Designs
Confederate Type-39, Type-40, and Type-41
notes are sometimes seen with printed backs.
But they are rare and also problematic because
the original types as issued by the Treasury
Department had no backs. The question often
arises as to the origin of these printed backs.
Were they experimental backs applied by the
Treasury-note Bureau, or were they of later
origin and made in the 1880s as “stage money”
for use in the production of plays, or were they
made by entrepreneurs after the Civil War to sell
to collectors as rare and valuable varieties? The
answer is, we don’t know, but some new
evidence may shed a bit of light.
A large collection of Type-39 and Type-40
Train notes with printed backs was submitted to
the publication firm of Currency Conservation &
Attribution (CC&A) in 2007 by Ron Herzfeld, a
specialist in these rare printed back varieties. He
had worked out a description of the types and
varieties of these printed backs and supplied
CC&A with 76 examples out of the total of 84
such notes analyzed for this article. The CC&A
database was mined to produce some data on the
number of examples of these types and varieties,
and work was performed by CC&A to determine
the relative position of the inks, which in turn
would help date the printed backs relative to the
dates of the Interest Paid stamps on the notes.1
It will be helpful to review Herzfeld’s new
descriptions of the two types and their sub-
varieties.
Type 1 is called a Ray Design. Rays emanate
from the corners of the design, and an
intricately-figured bar may appear in two
different locations in the design, creating Variety
1, Bar below “Dollars,” and Variety 2, Bar
above “Dollars,” seen in Figure 1 and Figure 2,
respectively.
Type 2 is called a Bar Design, where the
entire design consists of intricate bars. The two
varieties consist of design flourishes which
rotate in different directions. The varieties are
distinguished by the longest member of the
flourish, where the longest member of the right-
hand flourish is counter-clockwise for Variety 1,
and clockwise for Variety 2. See Figs 3 and 4.
Fig. 1 Ray Design, Variety 1, Bar below “Dollars”
Fig. 2 Ray Design, Variety 2, Bar above “ Dollars”
Fig. 3 Bar Design, Variety 1, counterclockwise right flourish
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These printed backs were printed in various
colors. The CC&A database contained printed
backs in green, olive green, maroon, red, and
orange. Here are the observed quantities:
Ray Design, Variety 1: 20 total notes. 8 in
orange, 6 in red, 6 in green.
Ray Design, Variety 2: 10 total notes. 6 in
olive green, 4 in green.
Bar Design, Variety 1: 25 total notes. 12 in
green, 10 in maroon, 3 in red.
Bar Design, Variety 2: 29 total notes. 29 in
green.
The locations of issue of the Interest Paid
stamps were randomly distributed among the
types and colors. Here are the noted locations:
Augusta, Georgia: 11 notes
Charleston, South Carolina: 5 notes
Columbia, South Carolina: 20 notes
Macon, Georgia: 1 note
Richmond, Virginia: 1 note
Raleigh, North Carolina: 29 notes
Savannah, Georgia: 25 notes
Wilmington, North Carolina: 1 note
Although no information exists on the
source or date of these printed backs, we might
be able to establish whether they were printed
prior to any of the Interest Paid stamps by
determining whether the ink of the Interest Paid
stamp overlays or underlies the printed back
design. The inks are very thin and establishing
this is difficult by eye, even with the aid of a
magnifying glass, and there was no consensus of
opinion by those with experience in the field.
We can make two hypotheses:
Hypothesis #1: If the printed back design
underlies the Interest Paid stamps we might
conclude that the printed back design predates
the Interest Paid stamps, implying that the
design is contemporary with the Civil War.
Interest Paid stamps appear on nearly all of the
notes and bear dates of January 1st, 1863, 1864,
and 1865; this spread of dates might allow us to
pinpoint the year of the printed backs. This
hypothesis has led to speculation that these
printed backs were experimental designs by the
printers, or that they represented an effort by the
Treasury Department to re-issue Type-39, Type-
40, and Type-41 notes late in the war.
Hypothesis #2: If the printed back design
overlays the January 1st, 1865, Interest Paid
stamps, we might conclude that the printed back
designs postdate the Interest Paid stamps,
suggesting that these backs were printed at the
very earliest after January 1st, 1865, or more
likely after the Civil War.
The Method: To resolve this issue the author,
previously an engineer at Cornice Corporation,
arranged to use a high resolution microscope in
the Cornice development lab. This microscope,
costing well over $30,000, had high-quality
optics and high magnifications suitable for
determining which inks lay on top of other inks.
At very high magnifications, in this case 1000x,
optics will have a very shallow depth of focus,
so shallow at this magnification that while one
ink is in focus the other ink will be out of focus.
Finding which ink focused above the other
would help us select the correct hypothesis. A
large group of the printed backs were examined.
The process started with the January 1st, 1863
Interest Paid stamps to see if the printed backs
pre-dated 1863 and might have been the
experimental backs mentioned in the
correspondence of the Treasury-note Bureau. If
the printed backs overlaid the 1863 Interest Paid
stamps, then the process would look at the
position of the printed back inks relative to the
inks on the January 1st, 1864, and January 1st,
1865 Interest Paid stamps.
The Data: All of the Interest Paid stamps,
regardless of date, when placed under the
microscope underlie the printed backs,
regardless of design type or the color of the ink
of the printed back. Figure 5 shows images of
the green ink of a printed back overlaying the
black ink of a January 1st, 1863 Interest Paid
stamp, and these images are representative of all
of the notes and Interest Paid stamps
investigated, including Interest Paid stamps
dated January 1st, 1865.
Fig. 4 Bar Design, Variety 2, clockwise right flourish
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The Conclusions: The data support Hypothesis
#2. The printed back Ray and Bar designs
clearly post-date the January 1st, 1865, Interest
Paid stamps. It has been speculated that these
printed backs were a late effort by the Treasury-
note Bureau to re-issue notes. There was a very
narrow time window of opportunity between the
application of the January 1st, 1865, Interest Paid
stamps and the destruction of the Bureau.
General Sherman arrived at Columbia, South
Carolina, on February 15th, 1865, shelled the
train station on the 16th, burning the last car in
the train which was evacuating the Bureau on
that day, and burned the city on the 17th. After
arriving in Charlotte, North Carolina on
February 21st, Bureau Chief S. G. Jamison wrote
a letter to Treasury Secretary Trenholm stating
that the last car in the train which was burned at
the station in Columbia on the day of the
evacuation had contained nearly all of the
printing inks.2 It is questionable whether the
Bureau had the resources to issue notes with
experimental printed backs while fleeing the
advancing Union troops who eventually seized
what was left of the Bureau at Andersonville,
South Carolina on May 2nd, 1865.3 Another
group has speculated that these notes are the
product of later, post-Civil War entrepreneurs in
the numismatic field who created fake varieties
for collectors of Confederate Treasury notes.
The author subscribes to the latter scenario as
more likely and a natural product of human
greed. These conclusions do not make these
printed backs uninteresting; quite the contrary,
they are well-executed artistic designs, they are
rare, and the story of their origin is still clouded
in mystery. They are also very old, but as Fricke
has pointed out, “there are no records of these
two [Ray and Bar design] backs appearing at
auction in the years following the War until the
1880s or later. This would support [a theory of]
of a post-war effort to create new types for
collectors to be sold at a premium. Today,
increased interest in these bogus or printed backs
has pushed the price up to an average of $300 to
$500 per note in XF to Unc.”4 An example of
the Ray Design in red ink from the Newman
collection recently sold on a Heritage auction for
more than $1000.
“Bogus Back” Designs
The “Bogus Back” designs appear on a
range of Confederate types of all denominations
and are generally considered to have been
produced in the 1880s as “stage money” for use
in the theatre. The Type-1 design appears with a
denomination, and the Type-2 design appears
without a denomination, but when it appears
with a denomination, it is misspelled “One
Thousand Dollas.” It is often seen printed over
the genuine backs of notes of the February 17th,
1864, issue and it is less rare than the “Ray” and
“Bar” designs. See Figures 6 and 7.
“Fancy Back” Design
The “Fancy Back” design illustrated in
Figure 8a is perhaps the most elegant and
certainly the rarest of the printed backs. Its
artistic merit alone would seem to make it a
candidate for a proposed reverse plate
mentioned in Thian’s correspondence of the
Fig. 6 Bogus Back Design, Type 1, “One Thousand Dollas”
Fig. 7 Bogus Back Design, Type 2, no denomination
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
110
Treasury Department, and its first appearance
was in the early 1870s.5 But the suggestion that
this was an effort by the Treasury Department is
problematic simply because all of the known
examples are printed on the backs of counterfeit
T-39 notes. The inclusion of the wording “3d
Series” on the Fancy Back raises more questions
than it answers. These are the rarest of all the
printed backs and bring high prices at auction.
Fricke notes that “one of [the fancy] backed CT-
39s sold for double the price of a high grade
Montgomery note in a Bangs auction in the late
1800s.”6
Figure 8b shows the front of the note, a CT-
39 Tr-290, Upham counterfeit with an
interesting stamp reading “Fiat this is 100
Dollars.” According to Randy Shipley, who
spent years in the legal field, “fiat” is a legal
term derived from Latin meaning “Let it be
done.” It is usually appended to “a short order or
warrant by a judge or magistrate directing some
act to be done; an authority issuing from some
competent source for the doing of some legal
act.” This represents a statement by the
counterfeiters, saying in essence, “By lawful
decree, this really is $100.”7
The reverse image of the CT-39 Fancy Back
illustrated in Figure 8a has a red advertising
stamp which is very rare and is dated 1876.
Figure 8c shows a detail of this advertising
stamp with the date “July, 1876.”
The mystery of the origins of these printed
backs leads to much speculation, and we have no
answers. Perhaps the secrecy surrounding the
origins of these designs is evidence itself of
unscrupulous attempts to make money at the
expense of unwary collectors. But we now have
data to show that the rare Ray and Bar designs
were printed after January 1st, 1865.
Notes:
All images are in the collection of the author, with the
exception of the Fancy Back Design in Figures 8a, 8b, and
8c, all of which are courtesy of Randy Shipley.
1. The author is the General Manager of CC&A, LLC.
Operations in the holdering of notes were discontinued in
2016.
2. Thian, Raphael Prosper. Correspondence of the
Treasury Department, letter: S. G. Jamison internal
memorandum to G. A. Trenholm, February 21st, 1865,
Washington, Volume 5, 1863-’65, 1880, p. 556.
3. Carson, Tom; Tremmel, George; Williams, Crutchfield.
Quest for the Stones, Part 4, Paper Money, July-August,
2011, p. 284.
4. Fricke, Pierre. Collecting Confederate Paper Money,
Field Edition 2014, published by Pierre Fricke, Sudbury,
Massachusetts, 2014, p. 49.
5. Ibid, p. 49.
6. Ibid, p. 48.
7. Shipley, Randy. Personal communication to the author,
7 February 2017.
Fig. 8a “Fancy Back” Design,
reverse image courtesy Randy Shipley
Fig. 8b “Fancy Back” Design,
counterfeit obverse image courtesy Randy Shipley
Fig. 8c Detail of the “Fancy Back” Design,
image courtesy of Randy Shipley
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
111
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Fr. 379a $1,000 1890 T.N.
Grand Watermelon
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Fr. 183c $500 1863 L.T.
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The Stockyards National Bank of North Fort Worth
by Frank Clark
North Fort Worth is where the Fort Worth Stockyards are located. The Stockyards were built in the 1870s
near several railroads. The Stockyards was the largest in Texas, one of the largest south of Kansas City, and one
of the top four in the nation. North Fort Worth business leaders were able to entice both Armour and Company
and Swift & Company to construct two large meat packing plants next to the Stockyards in 1902.
All this activity created a need for banks in the North Fort Worth area. Two national banks answered the
call. One bank was the Exchange National Bank with charter number 8287. It was chartered in July 1906 with a
capital of $50,000 and it voluntarily liquidated on May 6, 1914. It was succeeded by the Exchange State Bank of
Fort Worth. There is only one note enumerated on the Exchange National Bank. It is a Series 1902 $10 Plain
Back with serial number 951-D. This note has never appeared at auction.
The other bank in town and the subject of this article was the Stockyards National Bank. It was chartered in
June 1903 with number 6822 and a capital of $100,000. There is only one note documented on this bank. It is a
Series 1902 $5 Date Back with serial 54-B. It has crossed the auction block twice. The first time was at the Lyn
Knight auction of the J.L. Irish Collection in Dallas in August 1997. The second offering was at the paper money
auction held by Lyn Knight in conjunction with the International Paper Money Show in June 2016. I have always
liked the symmetry of "North Fort Worth" in the tombstone.
The bank officers on this note are Cashier Jno. N. Sparks and President J.S. Bull. The latter was the first
president of this bank and he certainly had an approproiate last name for a "stockyards" bank.
Included with this article is a letter on this bank with a September 4, 1906 date. The bank officers are listed
and Cashier Sparks remains in office. However, President Bull has moved on and he has been replaced by George
W. Armstrong. He was a former Tarrant County judge. In fact, he was always called "Judge" thereafter. His
Texas banking resume includes the First National Bank of Sour Lake, charter number 6810. This bank opened in
June 1903 and voluntarily liquidated on January 10, 1905. He moved on to the Stockyards National Bank later in
1905. There were also two privately owned banks that were under the George W. Armstrong and Company
umbrella. Later, Armstrong would be opposed to the Federal Reserve System.
Armstrong also had a political career as a Democrat that included unsuccessful runs for Congress in 1902
and for nomination for Texas governor in 1932. He died in 1954.
The bank's letterhead includes the head of a snarling panther and below it is "Panther City." This is one of
Fort Worth's many nicknames. This is one of the stories told on how Fort Worth received this nickname. A Dallas
lawyer was visiting Fort Worth in 1875. He was a former resident of Fort Worth and was not too fond of the
city. He noticed that Fort Worth was so sleepy one afternoon that there was even a panther sleeping on Main
Street. This was meant as an insult, but the citizens of Fort Worth embraced the panther as a symbol of hope and
strength. The panther remains today as part of Fort Worth’s history.
The bank changed its name to the Stockyards National Bank of Fort Worth on January 23, 1911. It would
go on to issue Series 1902 Date Backs and Plain Backs plus Series 1929 Type 1 notes under this title. The large
size notes are pretty elusive under this bank title, but small size nationals are certainly more abundant. The bank
went into voluntary liquidation on December 31, 1934. It was absorbed by the Fort Worth National Bank, charter
number 3131.
Series 1902 $5 Date Back
Serial 54-B
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114
Stockyards National Bank of North Fort Worth Letter September 4, 1906
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
115
Seaton Grantland Tinsley, Clerk for the Confederate Treasury
Department and Signer of Confederate Notes
by Charles Derby
Confederate treasury notes required two
signatures, those of the Register and
Treasurer. Robert Tyler as Register and E. C.
Elmore as Treasurer signed only the early
notes, the Montgomery issues, T1 through
T4, and the first two Richmond issues, T5 and
T6. Thereafter, notes were signed by CSA
clerks for the Register and Treasurer. In all,
368 men and women signed Confederate
notes, for the Register, the Treasurer, or, for
22 of them, both the Register and Treasurer
though never on the same note 1. It was a
prodigious job in which they were expected
to sign at least 3,200 notes per working day 2.
Although the names of these signers are
known from the work of McNeil 1, Thian 3,
Fricke 4, and others, little is known about
these men and women, with a few exceptions,
such as McNeil’s great-great-grandmother,
Sarah Pelot 2. This chapter is about one
Confederate treasury clerk whose signature,
“S. G. Tinsley,” is present on 18 type notes
from the first two years of the war. He was
Seaton Grantland Tinsley (Fig. 1).
A Privileged Background
Seaton Grantland Tinsley was born to
Thomas Garland Tinsley and Harriet
Washington Bryan Tinsley on August 13,
1836, in Hanover County, Virginia, at the
family homestead and plantation, Totomoi
(Fig. 2), located ten miles from Richmond 5.
Seaton was named after his uncle, Seaton
Grantland, who was also born in Virginia but
later moved to Georgia and was a U.S.
Representative from Georgia at the time of
Seaton’s birth 6,7. The Virginia Tinsley’s
were a landed family, descended from
Thomas Tinsley who arrived in Virginia ca.
1650, from Yorkshire, England. Thomas had
received a land grant from the British Crown,
which he developed into the Totomoi
plantation and which remains in the Tinsley
family to this day.
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
116
Seaton married Frances 'Fannie' William
Gaines (b. 1836, d. 1921) on May 2, 1860.
Fannie’s father was Dr. William Fleming
Gaines, a physician and plantation owner
from a notable family in northern Virginia.
William owned Gaines’s Mill in Hanover
County (Fig. 3), which on June 27, 1862,was
the site of the Battle of Gaines's Mill (also
called the First Battle of Cold Harbor or the
Battle of Chickahominy River) representing
the third of the Seven Days Battles in the
Peninsula Campaign of the Civil War.
Fannie reminisced about the battle and other
incidents of the war 8. Seaton and Fannie had
seven children during their marriage. 5,6
As a young man before the war, Seaton
was a businessman in Richmond, working at
Richardson & Co., a carpet merchant, and
with Burton & Greenhow, grocer and
commission and forwarding merchants 7.
When the Civil War began, Seaton put his
business experience and knowledge of the
Richmond area to good use as an agent in the
Quartermaster Department of the
Confederate government, serving in the
Virginia Peninsula 8. But when the
Confederate troops evacuated the Peninsula,
Seaton got a job as clerk in the Treasury
Department in Richmond 8. It is during 1861
and 1862 that Seaton put his “S. G. Tinsley”
on Confederate notes.
Seaton served as corporal and later
sergeant in the Virginia Infantry, Company F,
3rd Battalion, Richmond Local Defense
Troops 7. He mustered into the unit in June
1863, but because of the essential nature of
his work as clerk in the Treasury, his active
service in the military was exempted. This
exemption was not always easy to obtain and
required considerable political backing at
times, especially toward the end of the war:
For example, documents from December 28,
1864 7, show that John W. Hall, Chief Clerk
of the Confederate Treasury Department,
requested a continuance of the military
service exemption for Tinsley and 21 other
Treasury clerks because their work was
“absolutely indispensable…They are
engaged on work of the most urgent
importance, and compose only a skeleton
organization of the Department, and their
absence would so obstruct its business as to
interfere materially with the business of the
other Departments of the government both
civil and military.” The request was initially
rejected because this number of men
constituted more than half of the Local force.
So Chief Clerk Hall had to get written support
from the Secretary of Treasury George
Trenholm and the Secretary of War James
Seddon, and together they were able to make
a case that was approved but only after
consideration by the top commander of the
garrison at the Department of Richmond,
General Richard S. Ewell.
During the latter part of the war, Seaton
served directly with General Robert E. Lee,
since, as explained by Fannie in her
memoires 8, “Mr. Tinsley knew the country
[around Richmond and the Virginia
Peninsula] so well that General Lee had
taken him from the Treasury Department to
act as a guide.” In fact, Seaton Tinsley was
present with General Lee when he
surrendered at Appomattox 8,9.
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117
Tinsley’s Confederate Notes
Records from Thian 3 show that Seaton
Tinsley signed 18 different type notes, all in
1861 and 1862, from T13 to T52. These are
listed in Table 1, and three examples are
shown in Figure 4. Tinsley signed a total of
635,253 notes, with a total value of
$13,048,020 3. He signed for the Register,
with six other men who signed for the
Treasurer. These were, in decreasing
frequency of signing with Tinsley: F. W.
(Francis Westwood) Ashby, (Dr.) A. (Albert)
W. Gray, W. (William) L. Harvey, J. (John)
W. Jones, H. Kepler, and C. S. Maurice. His
most common signing partner was Ashby,
who signed 80% of the notes signed by
Tinsley. Kepler and Maurice signed the
fewest with Tinsley, only 3,357 (T18) and
592 (T37), respectively.
Tinsley’s name is on five Confederate
type notes that were counterfeited, according
to Tremmel 10 and other available data. Table
2 lists these: CT13, CT14, SF20, CT28, and
CT29 10. All are 1861 notes and co-signed by
Jones or Gray. Two examples are shown in
Figure 5: CT14 and CT29 notes. Some
counterfeit notes had printed signatures for
Tinsley (e.g. CT14 in Fig. 5) and some had
handwritten forged signatures (e.g. CT29 in
Fig. 5). The CT13 and CT14 counterfeits,
both printed by Hoyer and Ludwig in
Richmond, were especially numerous and
infamous: many are easy to detect because
they had “J. W. Jones” as the co-signer, when
in fact Jones did not sign any of the genuine
T13 and T14 notes (see Table 1). The SF-20
notes were genuine notes printed by B.
Duncan but stolen and forged with Tinsley
and Gray signatures 10 – and these too were
easy to detect since genuine T20 notes were
co-signed only by Ashby. CT29 notes are
distinct in having the mistake of the imprint
reading “R. Duncan” rather than “B.
Duncan” for the actual printer Blanton
Duncan.
Accounts in contemporary Richmond
newspapers 11,12 and elsewhere 2 tell the story
of the Hoyer counterfeit and stolen-and-
forged notes. Louis Hoyer, S.G. Tinsley, and
F.W. Ashby, among others, gave testimony
before the Confederate Commissioner at
Richmond about events at the Treasury in
February 1862 related to $100 and $10 notes,
which must have been the $100 T13 and the
$10 T28 or T46 notes since these are the only
$100 and $10 notes printed by Hoyer &
Ludwig before March 1862. The account
follows11:
Note Type Date Denomination No. of Notes Value Signer for Treasurer (# notes signed by each)
T13 September 2, 1861 $100 56,800 $5,680,000 F. W. Ashby
T14 September 2, 1861 $50 8,800 $440,000 F.W. Ashby (800), A.W. Gray (8,000)
T15 September 2, 1861 $50 1,260 $63,000 A.W. Gray
T18 September 2, 1861 $20 86,201 $1,724,020 F.W. Ashby (44,800), A.W. Gray (38,044), H. Kepler (3,357)
T19 September 2, 1861 $20 800 $16,000 A.W. Gray
T20 September 2, 1861 $20 21,000 $420,000 F.W. Ashby
T22 September 2, 1861 $10 2,400 $24,000 F.W. Ashby (1,600), A.W. Gray (800)
T26 September 2, 1861 $10 78,400 $784,000 F. W. Ashby
T28 September 2, 1861 $10 32,800 $328,000 F.W. Ashby (18,400), A. W. Gray (12,800), J.W. Jones (1,600)
T29 September 2, 1861 $10 33,008 $330,080 F.W. Ashby (6,608), J.W. Jones (26,400)
T30 September 2, 1861 $10 13,600 $136,000 F.W. Ashby
T31 September 2, 1861 $5 1,600 $8,000 F.W. Ashby (800), A.W. Gray (800)
T34 September 2, 1861 $5 9,600 $48,000 FW. Ashby
T36 September 2, 1861 $5 171,200 $856,000 F.W. Ashby
T37 September 2, 1861 $5 34,984 $174,920 F. W.Ashby (34,392), C.S. Maurice (592)
T46 September 2, 1861 $10 20,800 $208,000 F.W. Ashby
T49 December 2nd, 1862 $100 13,200 $1,320,000 W.L. Harvey
T52 December 2nd, 1862 $10 48,800 $488,000 F.W. Ashby (30,400), W.L. Harvey (18,400)
TOTAL 635,253 $13,048,020
Table 1. Confederate Notes Signed by S. G. Tinsley for Register
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
118
Figure 4. Genuine Confederate notes signed by S.G. Tinsley as clerk for the Register, each signed by
a different clerk for the Treasurer. Top, T15, signed by W.L. Harvey; middle, T26, signed by A.W.
Gray; bottom, T49, signed by F.W. Ashby. Courtesy of Heritage Auctions.
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
119
Figure 5. Two examples of counterfeit Confederate notes with S.G. Tinsley’s name. Top, CT14 75I
with printed signatures. Bottom, CT29 237A with handwritten signatures. Imprint is with “R. Duncan”
instead of the correct “B. Duncan.”
Note Type Date Denomination Signer for Treasurer
CT-13 September 2, 1861 $100 J.W. Jones
CT-14 September 2, 1861 $50 J. W. Jones, A.W. Gray
SF-20 September 2, 1861 $20 A.W. Gray
CT-28 September 2, 1861 $10 A.W. Gray
CT-29 September 2, 1861 $10 J.W. Jones
Table 2. Counterfeit Confederate Notes With Name of S. G. Tinsley for Register
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
120
"Mr. LEWIS [sic] HOYER,
lithographist, and Messrs. TINSLEY and
ASHBY, clerks in the Treasury Department,
were sent for and sworn.
Messrs. S.G. TINSLEY and F.W.
ASHBY deposed severally, that it was their
business to sign Treasury notes, and that the
signatures on the $100 note before the
Commission were forgeries.
The forgery of Mr. TINSLEY's name
was admirably well executed, but Mr.
ASHBY's signature was a botch.
Mr. Hoyer deposed -- I am one of the
proprietors of the lithographic
establishment where the Treasury notes are
printed; early Tuesday morning one of the
boys came from the office to my house, and
told me the office had been broken open and
the stones tampered with; that someone had
been printing with the ten and hundred
dollar stone during the night; when I got to
the office I found that the gum and ink, in
which it is the practice to roll the stones
before leaving them at night, had been
removed, and that one of the piles of paper
or blank notes had been disturbed; it is the
practice to keep the unprinted paper loose in
the room: there were in that room, but under
the screws, which were locked, about two
millions of dollars in printed notes; an
unsuccessful effort had evidently been made
to get at these notes; this note is not well
printed; it bears the marks of having been
done in haste; without an inventory, which
Mr. Slocum intends taking, we can't tell how
many notes have been stolen; there is but
one key to the office, which used to be kept
by Emil Thume, a boy, who stays at Geese's,
the foreman -- but as Emil got to the office
too late, Wm. H. Beal, one of the printers,
has for the last two weeks been keeping the
key; Beal resides on Broad-Street; I don't
know where he keeps the key.
Commissioner -- That's a bad
arrangement about the key; the office was
entered by cutting out the sash in the door,
and unbarring the door on the inside and
then breaking the lock.
The Prisoner's Statement [James Tyrer,
according to 12] -- I am a member of Capt.
Hiram Dickinson's company, the Jackson
Guard; I arrived in Richmond at half-past
eleven o'clock, from Roanoke Island;
Wednesday evening I met a member of the
McCulloch Rangers, who belongs to the
same regiment I do, and asked him to lend
me some money; he handed me a hundred
dollar note and told me if I would get it
changed he would lend or give me fifteen
dollars till I should get paid off; I took the
note in to Mr. Guvernator and he changed
it, and I gave Pridget his money, retaining
fifteen dollars; I was surprised when
arrested by Goodrick.
The Commissioner adjourned the case
until tomorrow (Saturday) morning, at 10
o'clock, and the prisoner was remanded to
jail.
From Mr. [B. F.] SLOCUM, the clerk
who has charge of the lithographic
establishment, we learned that a first-rate
workman might, with one lithographic
stone, print 700 notes in a day, while an
ordinary workman would not print more
than 400. Mr. SLOCUM also informed us
that the man who made use of the stones and
presses Monday night must have had some
knowledge of the lithographic art; and said
that, although he had no actual proof, he
was morally convinced that he knew who the
men were who had perpetrated the robbery
and the forgeries.
Subsequent testimony 2,12 showed that an
Italian named John Richardson and George
Elam were responsible. According to
Richardson, he and Elam broke into the
unguarded printing facility during the last
week of February 1862, printed $1,600 of
$100 notes and stole eight sheets of unsigned
$10 notes which they then forged signatures.
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
121
After he was caught and convicted,
Richardson, who was called a “doubly-dyed
scoundrel” because not only did he
counterfeit Confederate notes but he avoided
service in the Confederate army because of
his Italian citizenship, was sentenced to be
hanged, and after twice receiving reprieves
from Jefferson Davis, his sentence was
carried out on August 22, 1862. Elam, on the
other hand, was released without penalty.
The Richmond Dispatch opined about
Richardson that “in losing his life he has paid
a penalty, the examples of which may deter
many others from treading in his footsteps.”12
Tinsley After the War
Seaton, like other Southerners, had to
formally request amnesty and pardon from
the U.S. government. Tinsley required a
special pardon from President Andrew
Johnson, since he met the 1st exception to the
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
122
general pardon: “All who are or shall have
been pretended civil or diplomatic officers,
or otherwise domestic or foreign agents of
the pretended Confederate Government.”
Figure 6 shows documentation for Tinsley’s
pardon and amnesty for his participation in
the war, including his Amnesty Oath taken on
June 15, his letter requesting a special pardon
signed July 15, and the special pardon that
was granted on July 22, 1865 7.
For four years after the war, Seaton
“devoted himself to agricultural pursuits” 9.
He was then appointed by Samuel C.
Greenhow, who was Treasurer for the City of
Richmond and the same Greenhow of Burton
& Greenhow for whom he worked before the
War, as Assistant and later Deputy Treasurer
of the City of Richmond. Seaton served in
that capacity for 18 years, until 1887, when
Greenhow lost favor and his office, and
Seaton also lost his job 9. He then worked for
the Virginia Car Service Association
(involved in the business of railroad cars)
until his death on January 1, 1901, of heart
disease, at the age of 64 8. He is buried in
Hollywood Cemetery in Richmond.
The Tinsleys, a Family of Signers of
Southern Currency
Seaton Tinsley had three relatives that
were also signers of Southern currency
during the war. William Bowe Tinsley was
Seaton’s cousin (Seaton’s father, Thomas .G.
Tinsley, and William’s mother, Anne
Tinsley, were siblings) and signed as Cashier
for The Bank of Savannah from 1851 to
1864, using “W. B. Tinsley.” Theodosius
Davies Tinsley, William Bowe’s son and thus
Seaton’s first cousin once removed, was an
18-year old who signed as “T. D. Tinsley”
nearly 800,000 notes with a face value of
over $7 million for the state of Georgia in
1864. Augustus Merritt, who was married to
Sarah Augusta Tinsley, William Bowe
Tinsley’s daughter and T. D. Tinsley’s sister,
in 1862 signed his own merchant notes in
Griffin, Georgia, and several denominations
of notes for the treasurer of the Inferior Court
of the County of Spalding, Georgia. Each of
these Tinsley relatives has their own
interesting story.
Acknowledgments I thank Bill Gunther
for reading and commenting on a draft of the
manuscript, and Mike McNeil for his
foundational work on signers of Confederate
notes and his encouragement for pursuing
this project.
References
1 McNeil, Michael. 2003. The Signers of Confederate
Treasury Notes, 1861-65: A Catalog of Their Signatures
with a Catalog of the Notes Signed by Sarah Pelot. Michael
McNeil, Nederland, Colorado.
2 McCabe, Bob. 2016. Counterfeiting and Technology. A
History of the Long Struggle Between Paper-Money
Counterfeiters and Security Printing. Whitman Publishing,
LLC, Atlanta, Georgia.
3 Thian, Raphael P. 1972. Register of the Confederate Debt.
Quarterman Publications, Inc., Lincoln, Massachusetts.
4 Fricke, Pierre. 2014. Collecting Confederate Paper
Money. 3rd edition. Pierre Fricke.
5 Records in Ancestry.com.
6 U.S. Census Records, accessed through Ancestry.com.
7 U.S. National Archives, accessed through Fold3.com.
8 Tinsley, Fanny. “Mrs. Tinsley's War Recollections, 1862-
1865.” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography
Vol. 35, No. 4 (Oct., 1927), pp. 393-404.
9 Richmond Times Dispatch, January 12, 1901, “Obituary of
Mr. Seaton Grantland Tinsley.”
10 Tremmel, George B. 2007. A Guide Book of Counterfeit
Confederate Currency. History, Rarity, and Values.
Whitman Publishing, LLC, Atlanta, Georgia.
11 Richmond Examiner, March 8, 1862, reprinted in the New
York Times, March 8, 1862, “Clippings from Rebel Papers.”
http://www.nytimes.com/1862/03/08/news/clippings-rebel-
papers-richmond-under-martial-law-tobacco-cotton-
question-appeal.html?pagewanted=all.
12 Benner, Judith Ann. 1970. Fraudulent Finance:
Counterfeiting and the Confederate States: 1861-1865. A
Hill Junior College Monograph. Hillsboro, Texas.
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John Jay Knox and the Central Bank of New Ulm
by R. Shawn Hewitt
Antebellum
banking in the
Midwest almost
always had its roots
in the east coast. Jay
and Henry Knox,
sons of banker John
J. Knox of New
York, followed in the
same career path as
their father. They,
like many others in
the 1850s, saw the
wealth of
opportunities
available in the new territories of the United States,
and could not resist the allure of moving westward to
build their families and fortune. This is the story of
the John Jay Knox and his adventure in Minnesota
banking before moving to Washington, D.C., where he
climbed through the political system to bring his
unique experience to the office of Comptroller of the
Currency.
John Jay Knox, Jr. – known to his close friends
and family members as Jay – was born on March 19,
1828 to John Jay Knox, Sr. and Sarah Ann Curtis in
Knoxboro, Oneida County, New York. The senior
Knox was a successful merchant and in 1839
organized and became president of the Bank of
Vernon, a note-issuing bank organized under the free
banking law of New York, not far from their home.
Oneida County sits in the Mohawk Valley
between the Catskill Mountains to the south and the
Adirondack Mountains to the north, in central upstate
New York. The Erie Canal, completed in 1825, was
constructed through this natural pathway and made
this region a highway for transportation between New
England and the Great Lakes. This location
undoubtedly afforded the Bank of Vernon to thrive,
and the young Knox brothers to learn the banking
business directly from their father. Jay would take
ready advantage of this resource early in his career.
Figure 1. Note from the Bank of
Vernon signed by John J. Knox.
Courtesy of Heritage Auctions.
Jay received his early education at the Augusta
Academy and the Watertown Classical Institute. In
1845, he left home to attend Hamilton College just
west of Clinton, New York. It was a practical choice.
Hamilton was not only the closest college near the
family home, but it also was well respected as a place
to gain the foundational skills for a professional career.
Upon graduation in 1849, he went to live with his
sister Elizabeth and their family in Vernon, and
gratefully accepted a position of teller at his father’s
bank with a salary of $300 per year. He stayed there
for only two years, however. In 1852 he leaned on his
father’s experience, packed his bags, and left for
Syracuse to help organize the Burnett Bank. This was
another note-issuing bank, and Jay may have his first
opportunity to sign notes while custodian of this
institution. His involvement at Syracuse was to last
nearly four years, and in 1855 he moved south near the
Pennsylvania border to start up the Susquehanna
Valley Bank of Binghamton, New York. He was
named cashier and signed its earliest banknotes.
Not long after, Jay was ready to heed the call of
adventure. In 1856 he set his sights westward and
moved to Saint Paul, a rapidly growing settlement in
Minnesota Territory. As Minnesota explicitly forbade
the issuance of banknotes, he could not organize the
kind of bank with which he was familiar, so had he to
adapt. One of his first financial activities was to
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125
sponsor the running of the first steamboat on the Red
River of the North. He was one of a few financial
supporters to pay for the transportation of a steamboat
overland from Sauk Rapids to Breckenridge, in the
midst of winter. The following year he founded J. Jay
Knox & Co., a private banking house created with the
financial backing of his father. His brother Henry
yielded to Jay’s call to move west and joined him in
Saint Paul.
Although forbidden from issuing banknotes, the
Knox brothers observed from other private bankers
that there was an easy workaround for that constraint,
and they, too, joined the party. Bankers in Minnesota
Territory routinely obtained quantities of notes from
spurious or failed banks at little cost, and used them as
their own media by simply writing an endorsement on
them. It was a technicality that was frowned upon in
the local newspapers, but there was not enough
political interest to strengthen the laws. Besides, work
was underway to organize Minnesota as a state, and
among the proposed statutes was one for legal free
banking, with the authority for banks to issue notes. In
May 1858, Minnesota became the 32nd state, and the
rush was on for local banks to organize under the new
law.
A critical failing of Minnesota’s free banking act
was that the state auditor was authorized to accept the
newly issued Minnesota 7s as security for note issue.
These were the Railroad Bonds, used to finance the
construction of railroads in the new state. The problem
was that these bonds were thinly traded, and accepted
by the auditor at a rate well in excess of their market
value. Banks obtained them at steep discounts,
deposited them with the auditor, and issued banknotes
against them for up to 95% of the nominal value of the
bonds. Some of these banks were actually organized
by the railroad contractors, thereby giving themselves
a ready outlet for bonds received from the state for
railroad construction.
The Knox brothers did not immediately jump into
the legal note-issuing business right away, however. It
may have been a matter of not having enough financial
or political capital to get going. Being relatively new
to the city, they were cautious against partnering with
those whom they knew little about.
The cost of entry to Minnesota’s free banking
system was to fall dramatically as the market for
Minnesota 7s crashed over the next couple years. The
natural fallout from this was that some banks did not
shore up their security and allowed their banks to fail,
leaving note-holders with substantially depreciated
banknotes. The worst of these left notes worth only
about 16 cents on the dollar.
The Central Bank of New Ulm, a German
community located about 100 miles southwest of Saint
Paul on the Minnesota River, was one of the poorly
capitalized free banks. It is apparent that the remote
location was deliberately chosen so as to reduce the
likelihood that notes would find their way to the home
office for redemption. It was organized in May 1859
by John W. Northfield and Franklin Steele, more or
less players in the market for junk bonds, but not so
much bankers. They hired August H. Wagner, a
merchant in New Ulm, to serve as vice president, and
Albert H. Merrick, a bookkeeper in Saint Paul, to be
the cashier. These men signed some $23,000 in notes
of the Central Bank and pressed them into circulation
through making loans.
Figure 2. View of New Ulm in 1860.
Courtesy of Minnesota Historical
Society.
Right away the organizers of the bank were dealt
a financial setback, as just a month after the bank
received its circulating notes in June from the auditor,
the circulation/bond ratio requirement was reduced to
60%. If it was to remain solvent, the Central Bank had
the option to deposit more bonds or reduce its
circulation. Whereas at this time many bank owners
walked away and let their banks fail, Northfield and
Steele opted to return $6,800 in notes, leaving the ratio
exactly at the minimum requirement. With 27 $1000
bonds on deposit with state auditor, the new valuation
fixed the worth of the bank at $16,200 less the value
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126
of banknotes outstanding. They just had to maintain
an office where they could redeem their notes on
demand at par. As the opportunity for arbitrage
dwindled, the operation became nothing more than a
hassle.
Perhaps with some optimism that the Minnesota
7s were undervalued, the Knox brothers purchased the
Central Bank in October 1859 from Northfield and
Steele. It was really a bet on the future of Minnesota
7s and the cost of this investment had limited
downside, for they, too, could walk away should the
investment sour. The outright purchase price was
likely not very costly, but they assumed the liability of
notes outstanding. They already had an office where
they could tend to note redemption, and in many ways
this was similar to their previous practice of endorsing
notes. The market for Minnesota 7s was stable for the
time being; however, the worst of its tortuous fall was
still to come.
The banking business was good into 1860 and
that spilled into the personal lives of the Knox
brothers. Jay and Henry built a new house at 26 Irving
Park in Saint Paul, in an exclusive neighborhood for
the city’s elite. By this time Henry had married and
Jay lived with his sister-in-law Charlotte, his young
niece Carrie, and two female servants from Ireland.
It appears that notes of the Central Bank actually
did enjoy acceptance and heavy circulation within the
Saint Paul community. They probably traded close to
par, being that they could be redeemed at any time by
walking into the Knox banking house. Indeed, most
of those notes that have survived to this day show
heavy wear. In December 1860 the Knox brothers
returned two groups on notes totaling $1,832 to the
auditor’s office, and immediately received a like
amount of new bills to replace them. In all likelihood,
they were well worn and not fit for continued use.
These new notes were eventually signed and released
by the Knox’s in late February 1861.
Table 1. Serial numbers and amounts of banknotes issued by the Central Bank.
Signers Merrick & Wagner Knox & Knox
Denomination Serials Notes Serials Notes Total Issue
$1 1-2600 2,600 2601-2832 232 $2,832
$2 1-2200 2,200 2201-2700 500 $5,400
$5 1-1800 1,800 1801-1920 120 $9,600
$10 1-700 700 None 0 $7,000
Total Notes 7,300 852 8,152
Total Amount $23,000 $1,832 $24,832
Figure 3. $1 Note from the Central
Bank signed by H. M. Knox and J.
Jay Knox.
Author’s collection.
Optimism faded as the battles of the Civil War
greatly pressured bonds of the northern states in the
early summer of 1861. Even the mainstay bonds used
in the security of banknotes issued elsewhere, like
Ohio 6s, suffered serious losses and forced the failure
of banks nationwide. This, too, was the tipping point
for free banking in Minnesota. Any hope that
Minnesota 7s would eventually find their footing was
extinguished. The Knox brothers recognized this and
gave up their campaign of issuing notes and
supporting the circulation of the Central Bank. J. Jay
Knox & Co. closed its doors in June 1861 under the
weight of the financial crisis, forcing the closure of the
Central Bank.
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127
As bond values tumbled, Jay accumulated
$10,800 worth of his bank’s notes and returned them
to the auditor’s office in exchange for 18 Minnesota
7s, and hurried to sell them as quickly as possible. His
instincts were correct, as about a year later the bonds
traded in New York at just 18 cents on the dollar.
At this point the Knox brothers did walk away,
and cut further losses from their failed investment.
The state eventually forced the bank into liquidation,
and the state auditor sold the $7,000 of bonds
remaining on deposit for a deep discount, leaving only
enough hard money to pay bill holders 30 cents on the
dollar to cover the $4,200 in banknotes that were
outstanding.1 The Knox’s were sued by noteholders
suffering alleged losses over the next few years.
Jay’s personal experience in state banking
provided ample background for essays he wrote that
appeared in the February 1862 and January 1863
editions of the Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial
Review, a widely read trade publication, which
supported Treasury Secretary Salmon Chase’s vision
of a national banking system. He owned and operated
his bank under the kind of system that he criticized in
his writings in support of national banking – one with
weak protections for note holders. Knox later would
write about the history of banking in the United States
detailing many state banking experiments, but never
again would he or his colleagues ever mention his
disastrous experience with the Central Bank.
Despite his failure in state banking, Jay’s article
was noticed by the Treasury Secretary, who made him
an offer to serve in the Treasury Department as a
disbursing clerk. Jay accepted the position in 1863
and moved to Washington. He was more than pleased
to leave his problems behind in Minnesota, but Henry
opted to stay and later served in the public sector.
Jay’s years of service were rewarded by being
appointed Comptroller of the Currency, the top official
who oversaw the regulation of national banks
throughout the country, in 1872. He held this position
until 1884, when he returned to the private sector.
It is interesting to note that Jay wrote his pre-
Washington signature as J. Jay Knox. His signature
on New Ulm banknotes match that found on
contemporary letters, court documents and records
1 Two bonds were already exchanged for banknotes by
other Saint Paul bankers.
from the auditor’s office, so there is no question about
the authenticity of his autograph. However, the 1861
signature is stunningly different in appearance
compared to later known examples of his autograph
found twenty years hence on Comptroller documents.
What caused such a radical change? We may never
know, but Jay may have taken a page from Francis
Spinner’s playbook and developed a new,
authoritative signature for his administrative career.
After all, Jay was good at adapting to his environment,
even in the little things that may have provided him an
edge.
Figure 5. Cabinet card of John Jay Knox with his new vanity
signature below.
Author’s collection.
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128
Figure 4. Letter from J. Jay Knox to President Elect Lincoln,
endorsing a local citizen for a political appointment. This letter and
other contemporary documents like it serve to confirm the authenticity
of his signature on notes of the Central Bank.
Courtesy of the National Archives.
Figure 6. $100 Third Charter National Bank Note, with
portrait of John J. Knox.
Courtesy of Heritage Auctions.
Sources
Berndt, Gez. V. J. Ansicht von New Ulm, Minnesota. Cincinnati, O.: Lith. von Ehrgott, Forbriger & Co., [1860]. (imagelink:
http://collections.mnhs.org/cms/display.php?irn=10443166)
Dana, William B. Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review. New York: William B. Dana, 1862-1863.
Evans, George G. Illustrated History of the United States Mint. Philadelphia: George G. Evans, 1885.
Heritage Auctions
Hewitt, R. Shawn. A History & Catalog of Minnesota Obsolete Bank Notes & Scrip. New York: R. M. Smythe & Co., 2006.
Knox, John Jay. A History of Banking in the United States. New York: Bradford Rhodes & Company, 1900.
Minnesota, 1860 Federal Census: Population Schedules. Washington: National Archives & Records Administration, 1964.
Minnesota Historical Society. Auditor’s Records. Archives of the Minnesota Historical Society, Saint Paul, Minnesota.
New York, 1850 Federal Census: Population Schedules. Washington: National Archives & Records Administration, 1964.
National Archives. Letter from John Jay Knox to Abraham Lincoln, 1861. The Papers of Abraham Lincoln: Images from the National
Archives and Library of Congress. (imagelink: https://s3.us-east-2.amazonaws.com/papersofabrahamlincoln/PAL_Images/
PAL_PubMan/1861/02/238107.pdf)
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CIVIL WAR PATRIOTIC ENVELOPE WITH POSTAGE
CURRENCY NOTE
by Rick Melamed
Shown below is interesting piece of ephemera affixed with a 5¢ postage currency note. The envelope is
from the Civil War era (1861‐1865) with the Great Seal of New Jersey. To the left of the image is the company
that made the envelope…’NEW YORK UNION ENVELOPE DEPOT, 144 BROADWAY’. On the right is an
FR1230/31 5¢ postage currency note. It is impossible to know when the note was glued onto the envelope but
considering the very emotional sentiments of the era, it is likely that the note was placed on the envelope
during the Civil War to reinforce patriotic beliefs. Without saying anything overtly, there is no doubt a strong
undercurrent at play.
Research into patriotic envelopes made during the Civil War show that there was a cottage industry
appealing to people’s patriotism. There were quite a few examples made during the Civil War era that are
unabashedly pro‐Union. New York Union Envelope printed many envelopes in support of the Union. In the NY
Historical Society archives, they have over 3,000 patriotic envelopes in their collection from various makers.
Shown are some with expressed sentiments are powerful reminders of the explosive emotions of the era.
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130
The context of these patriotic envelopes reminds us of the very volatile and emotional subtext of the Civil
War. A postage currency note in and of itself illicit very little emotional response today. But take that postage
note and affix it to a jingoistic themed envelope and the meaning becomes much deeper and visceral. We need
to remind ourselves the enormous toll the Civil War wrought. Not just of the 650,000+ lives lost1, but the
deeply divided feelings that ran through the hearts and souls of every citizen in our great country; both
southerners and northerners.
A special thanks to the New York Historical Society and their accessible archive made freely available in
the pursuit of education and to Ronn Palm for the image of postage currency envelope.
For more information on the Civil War era envelopes, please check out the NY Historical website. They
have a fascinating collection that is well displayed, organized with high quality images.
http://digitalcollections.nyhistory.org/
1 Ronn Palm, owner of the Civil War themed Ronn Palm Museum in Gettysburg and FCCB member,
indicated that new information reveals that as many as 750,000 were lost.
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U n c o u p l e d :
Paper Money’s
Odd Couple
Joseph E. Boling Fred Schwan
More on Federal Reserve Notes
This issue I will not be dealing with my usual
topic. In the January-February 2018 Paper Money
we were treated to another of Carlson Chambliss’s
comprehensive articles on some series or another.
This one was on US Federal Reserve notes of series
1996 and following. When I finished reading it, I
realized that Carlson had left out some features of
these series that have never gotten any attention that
I am aware of.
When I obtained by first series 1996 $100 note,
I immediately checked the watermark—a new
feature for US paper that had received a lot of
publicity. The second thing I saw as I held the note
up to the overhead lighting in the bank was a visible
screen pattern in the paper. If genuine, this was also
a new feature in US paper—and it had received
exactly zero publicity leading up to the release of
the new notes. Being of a suspicious mind, I
immediately wondered if the note was genuine—it
was not fresh out of a strap. But everything else
seemed OK. My trusty 20x glass showed normal
intaglio and letterpress printing, and the polymer
strip with the denomination was present (I was not
yet carrying a UV light everywhere I went, so I
could not check for the red UV reaction until I got
home). As the months went by all the other
Benjamins that came my way looked the same, so I
accepted the new paper and gave it no further
thought.
Some years later I was conversing with a Secret
Service agent at the ANA summer seminar. He was
teaching the counterfeit US paper course, and had
brought some supernotes with him. The first two
years he taught, he would not even talk about them.
This third year he had some, but I was not in his
course—we were looking at them standing under a
tree during the lunch break. [I immediately resolved
to take his course again the next year, so I could
give the supernotes some closer attention, but he
never returned.]
Boling continued on page 135
MPC Replacements
As usual, I had difficulty deciding about what
to write for this issue. It is usually harder to make
that decision than to write the column. This time the
problem was compounded, because Joe finished his
submission well before I did. I really dislike that.
It took me a while, but in reviewing Joe’s
submission, the thing that stood out was the tables
of serial numbers and ranges. Finally, those tables
made me think about the work that I have been
doing recently with MPC (military payment
certificate) replacements.
We expect to know how many pieces were
printed and issued for the objects of our desire. For
many of the World War II emergency issues that I
collect, we have little or no information regarding
quantities issued. For MPC though, we are fortunate
to have very robust data on how many regular issue
certificates were printed. We assume that a high
proportion of those printed were issued, but big
questions remain.
We do not have such good data (in fact, hardly
any official data) on how many replacements were
printed. It is because of this dearth of data that we
have worked so hard over the decades to record and
analyze serial numbers in collections.
We have found some new documents that will
help us with these matters. “Found” is an interesting
word. These documents were found in my office
(aka black hole). I believe that the document in
question today was available for the fourth edition
of the MPC book. I am not sure if I had misplaced
it, not even read it, or did not understand its
significance in 2002 when that edition was
published. Nevertheless, we now have the
opportunity to study and use it.
The document is a letter dated August 21, 1951
from Forbes Lithograph Mfg. Co. to the Bureau of
Engraving and Printing. You have guessed that the
letter relates to MPC production and you are
correct. Forbes was the contractor that had been
selected to print MPC at the time. The subject of the
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133
letter is the numbering for replacements for the
third printing of Series 481, based on the experience
factor for the second printing. I am sorry that the
quality of my copy is not suitable for use as an
illustration.
Mr. Eugene G. Shreve
Bureau of Engraving & Printing
Chief Office of Planning Treasury Department
Washington 25, D. C.
Dear Mr. Shreve:
The numbering charts for the new order of Military
Payment Certificates have been received.
We call to your attention the fact on the
Replacement Notes there will be a gap in the
sequence following contract TEP 4687 on your
order #2304 and the new order. This was due to
running only as much stock as was necessary for
replacements which, in no instance, was up to the
8000 sheets allowed within the range of each chart
for each denomination.
Experience Record of Numbering Replacements
TEP 4687. [second printing]
Denom Notes/ allowed sheets
Sheet printed
$10 50 8000 1500
$ 5 50 8000 500
$ 1 70 8000 1000
.50 84 8000 300
.25 84 8000 400
.10 84 8000 700
.05 84 8000 700
We shall follow the new numbering charts as
established and furnished.
Very truly yours,
FORBES LITHOGRAPH MFG. COMPANY
//signed//
E. E. Peterson
I am sure that you recognize the importance of
this information. I am downright excited about it.
Forbes was concerned that there would be a gap in
the numbering sequence for replacements! That in
itself is surprising to me. The assumption of 8000
sheets being allocated for routine replacement
printings is confirmed. We now know how many
replacements were actually printed for the second
printing of Series 481 and can make better estimates
for the other printings and even other series.
Of course we want to be careful about making
assumptions. Fortunately (even excitedly), we have
some other data to compare—the replacement
survey! As you might know, from the serial number
we can calculate the sheet number whence the
replacement came, and we have been recording
MPC replacement serial numbers for more than
thirty years. It has been fun if a bit tedious, but now
we have a real use for the data. It was little noted,
but for the fourth edition of the MPC book we
calculated the respective sheet numbers for every
reported replacement (more than 2000) and listed
the sheet number with the respective serial number.
The number of sheets based upon observed
serial numbers compared to the number of sheets
reported by Forbes is remarkable. I am sure that you
will agree.
Denom Sheets Sheets % SNs
reported indicated reported
.05 700 618 88% 8
.10 700 596 85% 6
.25 400 376 94% 3
.50 300 184 61% 3
$1 1000 374 37% 5
$5 1500 none reported
$10 500 none reported
The comparisons for the three smallest
denominations are stunning. The survey and letter
support each other. The comparisons for the 50
cents and dollar denominations are much less
impressive, but the average comparison of 73% is
impressive.
MPC were printed in units of 8000 sheets. For
the fractional denominations that meant 672,000
certificates (regular or replacement) printed per unit
(560,000 for $1 and 400,000 for $5 and $10). For
replacement cataloging purposes, our best estimates
of quantities of replacements printed has been to
assume a full unit of 8000 sheets was printed for
each printing of each denomination. This
assumption was supported by the survey results, in
that replacements for a first printing of regular
issues came from the first unit of replacements;
second printing regulars with second unit of
replacements, etc. But we had no way to know how
many replacements were actually inserted into
production printings of regular notes.
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134
The listings for the second printing of Series
481 as they appeared in the 2002 catalog are:
issue quantity replacements
printed
5 cents 4,032,000 672,000
10 cents 4,032,000 672,000
25 cents 2,688,000 672,000
50 cents 2,016,000 672,000
$1 6,160,000 560,000
$5 2,000,000 400,000
$10 6,000,000 400,000
Now we can upgrade the listings for the second
printing of Series 481 to the following:
issue quantity replacements
printed
5 cents 4,032,000 58,800
10 cents 4,032,000 58,800
25 cents 2,688,000 33,600
50 cents 2,016,000 25,200
$1 6,160,000 70,000
$5 2,000,000 25,000
$10 6,000,000 75,000
These are certainly different. It seems clear to
me that we can and should adjust the listings using
the Forbes letter data as shown above. The bigger
question is: what do we do about the other listings?
Certainly we can and probably should upgrade the
listings for the third and fourth printings of Series
481 by scaling the second printing numbers
reported by Forbes and tempering the results with
data from the replacement survey.
Those changes seem very reasonable, but what
of the other series? This is a much more difficult
(and interesting!) question. I have an opinion, but I
do not want to share it now in the hope of receiving
other opinions first.
I think that with your help, we can learn more
from the letter and the survey. I suspect that there
are some opportunities for statistical analysis and
likely things that I have not even thought of. I look
forward to your thoughts. (contact 419-349-1872;
fredschwan@yahoo.com).
Boling continued…
He handed me a $100 note and said that it had a
problem in the clock face. I began to look at that,
but then noticed something else—the paper was
wrong. When I mentioned that, he said “Ahh, but
you can’t go by that,” and told the following story.
Sometime earlier, his office in DC had received
a call from their office in Los Angeles. Somebody
was passing $20 supernotes out there. That seemed
odd, but a couple of agents flew to LA and looked
at the notes and decided that they were genuine—
but the paper was indeed not right. So off they went
to Crane in Dalton, Massachusetts, and learned
there that the screen on the line for the watermarked
paper had been changed—and that Crane had never
told them. The notes found by the agents in LA
were genuine, on the new paper.
Second Printing Replacements 5¢-$1
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135
So there are two papers for some series 1996
Feds and most 1999s (it took a while for the old
paper to be used up). The two are usually easily
distinguishable—only occasionally is the screen
pattern so weak that it’s hard to tell which screen
was used for the paper in a note. I call them “screen
door” and “checkerboard.” See figures 1 and 2.
In figure 1 the screen is a series of squares
running vertically and horizontally, just like the
screens your grandmother had at her front and back
doors and in all of the windows—to keep the flies
and mosquitos out (no air conditioning back then).
In figure 2 the screen is composed of alternating
dark and light spots, like a checkerboard, with
diagonal lines running at 45-degree angles. If you
cannot see these two patterns in the illustrations,
look at some FRNs from your collection (you
probably won’t find the early screen in your wallet
any more).
Both screens were used at both BEP plants. I
immediately began recording serial numbers,
district by district, to try to determine the cutovers
between the papers. In a couple of cases I found
that both plants were not practicing first-in first-out
paper management, as the new paper was used for
some serials lower than the high one I saw for the
old paper in a given district. The tables following
are my findings on serials for these varieties. The
series are in order of initial printing. The screen
door serials are the highest observed for that paper
in a district; the checkerboard serials are the lowest
observed for the new paper.
Comments: $1 and $2 notes have neither of
these papers. Their paper continues to be made on a
screen that leaves no discernable pattern in the
paper. Only the watermarked notes show an easily
visible screen pattern. You can see that the 1996
$20s were the first to use the new paper—these
would be the notes that the agents in Los Angeles
first inquired about. You can also see that not all
districts’ notes passed through my hands during the
years I was compiling this table—there are plenty
of holes here to be filled by others. I cannot
guarantee that the five observations of old paper for
the $10 and $5 notes are not errors of identification.
It seems reasonable to assume that the old screen
was not used for the watermarked paper for these
denominations, which were the last to receive
“large-head” faces, watermarks, and UV-reactive
polymer threads. Sometimes the screen pattern is
ambiguous, and the paucity of finds for the two late
series 1999 denominations suggests that they are
errors on my part. Somebody who collects these by
printing will have to identify the paper used for the
earliest $10 and $5 notes to see if the screen door
pattern can be verified for them. If it cannot be
confirmed, then two instances of old paper being
used after new paper was introduced will go away.
FIRST PAPER SECOND PAPER
SCREEN DOOR CHECKERBOARD
1996 $100
Only this paper observed This paper not seen
1996 $50
Only this paper observed This paper not seen
1996 $20
AA48941717Fdc AA31738448Gdc
AA06572235*dc AA09977912*dc
AB29648341Idc AB39128659I dc
AC72914478Edc
AC02504091*dc AC03002646*dc
AD11842642Ddc
AD00830988*dc AD03752486*dc
AE15715505Adc
AE02088040*fw
AE70129335Dfw
AF95341071D fw
AF25304254G dc AF25299906Hdc
AF02083440*fw
AG40092634Lfw
AG00680161*dc
AG12385597*fw
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136
AH55722847Cfw
AH00395771*fw
AI02308362Bfw
AJ92917872Bfw
AK25151875Cfw
AK00530681*dc
AL80797142Kfw
AL03498155*dc
AL06260446*fw
1999 $20
BB15433818Bdc
BB08320289*fw
BD08968201*fw
BE67854756Ddc
BF50687204Bfw BF57792829Bfw
BF31013213Cfw (old paper still in FW)
BG17966355Bfw
BG06474235*fw
BH02255851A
BL01924753*fw
1999 $100
BA45252498Adc
BA02884169*dc
BB19336312Adc BB30293782Adc
BD09041440Adc
BE38028125Adc BE47514342Adc
BF00661863Adc
BG27531300Adc BG34842461Adc
BH01710074Adc
BI26638656Adc
BK09568379Adc BK16239443Adc
1999 $10
BA00102849*fw
BB73829493Cdc
BB01089506*fw
BC20082850Adc BC11541467Adc (reversed)
BD25289225Adc
BE62473903Adc
BF04492368*fw
BG19093999Afw
BH05343665Adc
BJ07337630Afw BJ62307121Afw
BK83349566Afw
BK01715813*fw
BL31442273Adc BL12042744Adc (reversed)
BL29384434Adc (reversed)
BL58747744Afw
1999 $5
BB06396671Cfw
BC08222438Afw
BE85881368Bfw
BF95801015Afw
BF06553760*fw
BG34276129Bfw
BG00189747*fw
BI03473935Afw
BK33177898Afw
2001 $100
Screen door paper not seen Checkerboard paper only
2001 $50 (series 1999 skipped by this denomination)
CD04470242Adc CD09686209Adc
CF11500234Adc CF19093395Adc
CL02839405Adc
Next issue I will take up another feature that
first appeared in series 1996 Feds - inks that are
transparent or opaque to infrared light. Stay tuned.
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Series of 1934B FRNs Carried New Bank Seals
By Jamie Yakes
Many collectors associate the Series of 1934B notes with showing Treasury Secretary Fred
Vinson’s signature and being the scarcest of the 1934-series issues. However, for Federal Reserve notes
the series also introduced a revamped Federal Reserve Bank seal with the article “The” removed to make
the bank titles comply with the 1913 Federal Reserve Act (see Figure 1). The Bureau of Engraving and
Printing used the new seals on 1934B, 1934C, and 1934D plates.
A paramount function of the Federal Reserve Act was to establish a system of banks in selected
cities throughout the United States. It created the Reserve Bank Organization Committee to “supervise the
organization in each of the cities designated of a Federal reserve bank, which shall include in its title the
name of the city in which it is situated, as ‘Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago.’”1 As cited in the act, the
official titles of banks didn’t include “The” before “Federal.” In
agreement, bank titles were properly listed on the banks’ charters (see
Fig. 2). Federal Reserve Notes were another matter.
Bank names in the seals used on Series of 1914 and 1918
Federal Reserve Notes were shown as “The Federal Reserve Bank of
Kansas City, Missouri [emphasis added],” for instance (see Fig. 3).
Although the size and design of the seals were changed in 1928 for
small-size notes, the bank names remained the same.
In addition, intaglio plates for Series of 1915 and 1918 Federal
Reserve Bank Notes included “The” as part of the bank name engraved
in the center of the plates. Even the logotypes used to apply the bank
titles on Series of 1929 Federal Reserve Bank Notes carried the same
names.
Officials at the Comptroller’s office and Bureau of Engraving
and Printing carefully matched bank titles on national bank notes to the
titles on the banks’ charters. They seemingly never heeded a similar
concern with the titles on Federal Reserve notes!
Figure 1. Redesigned Federal Reserve Bank seals (right) used from 1945 on small‐size notes
omit the word “The.” (Courtesy National Numismatic Collection.)
Figure 3. Bank seals for 1914 and
1918 Federal Reserve Notes
included “The” in the bank titles.
138
Government Concerns
Finally, in 1945, Allan Sproul, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, broached the
matter of the inaccurate bank titles to government officials. On July 11, he sent a memo to the Federal
Reserve Board of Governors whereby he pointed out the name of the New York bank as it appeared in the
seals on Federal Reserve Notes didn’t conform to the bank’s corporate title because it included “the”
before the bank name.2 The same was true for all Federal Reserve Banks, and Sproul suggested the titles
in the seals be corrected as soon as possible.
Alvin Hall, Director of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, became aware of Sproul’s concern.
In a response nine days later,3 Hall promised to consider incorporating the change coincident to the
production of new plates bearing the signature of the new treasury secretary, Fred Vinson.
The BEP proceeded immediately to prepare intaglio dies of the new seals for each district (see
Fig. 4). They reconstructed the seals by dropping the word “The,” and adding two flourishes to the outer
ring of letters. They used the series designation Series of 1934B because the change constituted a minor
change to the face design. On July 20 Alvin Hall circulated a model of a 1934B $5 with the new bank seal
to Public Debt Commissioner William Broughton, who voiced his approval.4
Figure 2. Charter authorizing operation of the St.
Louis Federal Reserve Bank.
(https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/scribd/?title_id=1150
&filepath=/files/docs/historical/frbsl_history/chart
er_frbsl_19141114.pdf)
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The BEP’s changes satisfied not only Sproul, but also Edward Leon Smead, Director of the
Federal Reserve Board’s Division of Banking Operations. Along with Sproul, Smead considered “the”
not to be part of the corporate title of
the banks, and advocated for properly
displaying the bank titles to conform to
the law.5
New Plate Production
The BEP began making steel
master plates for $5s, $10s, and $20s in
July. They certified the first production
plate, $10 New York 479, on
November 6 (see Fig. 5), and the next
day, logged the first 1934B plates to
the press room, $5 plates 209, 211 and
212, and the aforementioned $10. They
sent to press the first $20 faces (New
York 10 and Atlanta 42) on November
16, and the first $50 faces (Philadelphia 9 and Richmond 7) and $100 face (Atlanta 7) in June the
following year. Production of 1934B plates continued in earnest over the next few years for $5s to $100s
for all districts.5
For the most part, the transition to the new faces proceeded normally: 1934Bs typically were the
first plates with new seals for a particular type to go to press and be serial numbered, and gradually
replaced 1934A pates in the plate vault and press room. There were notable exceptions.
For four types, the BEP finished 1934B plates but never used them: Dallas $5s, Boston and New
York $50s, and San Francisco $100s. For those types, Series of 1934C faces became the initial types with
the new seals to go to press and be
numbered. The first 1934C plates made for
each type were: $5 Dallas 46, $50 Boston
12, $50 New York 25, and $100 San
Francisco 11.6
The situation was more convoluted
for New York $100s. Between 1945-1950,
the BEP certified 1934B, 1934C, and 1934D
faces, but never sent any to press. They
printed and numbered that type only as
Figure 4. Ledger page showing entries for dies of new Federal Reserve Bank seals. (RG 318, Entry P1, “Ledgers
Pertaining to Plates, Rolls and Dies, 1870s‐1960s,” Container 147. National Archives and Records
Administration, College Park, Maryland.)
Figure 5. 1934B New York $10 face 479. (Courtesy of National
Numismatic Collection.)
Figure 6. 1934D New York $100 face 47. The BEP printed no
1934‐series New York notes with the new seal. (Courtesy of
National Numismatic Collection.)
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140
Series of 1934 and 1934A, which have the old-style seals. They had sufficient stocks of 1934 and 1934A
sheets to be used until the end of 1934-series numbering in 1951, and that precluded production of new
sheets after 1944. New York $100s are the only $100 or less not printed with new seals (see Fig. 6).7
Kansas City $5s present a great
story. The BEP made eight 1934B faces
in early 1946, but sent none to press
over the following year. In January 1947
they finished five 1934C faces and
logged them to press on the 23rd. They
dropped one of them, serial 38, on
February 3 and replaced it with 1934B
plate 25 the next day. Plate 25 spent the
next 19 days on press until swapped for
38 on February 24. It was the only
1934B $5 Kansas City face plate used,
and that type note is one the rarest
small-size Federal Reserve notes. It
wasn’t the first new-seal plate certified
for the type, however: it was beat by
1934Cs by 10 days!8
Although the BEP produced
$500, $1000, $5000, and $10,000 1934B
or 1934C for many districts, they only
used a pair of 1934C New York $500
and $1000 faces for a few days in May
1951 and never numbered any sheets
(see Figs. 7a and 7b).9 They printed and
numbered those high denominations
only as 1934s or 1934As. Specimens of
some 1934B and 1934C types exist and
are the only option if you want an
example with the new seal.
Sources Cited
1. Federal Reserve Act.
2. Sproul, Alan, President, Federal Reserve Board of Governors, July 11, 1945 letter to Federal Reserve Board of Governors,
regarding official titles for Federal Reserve Banks. Record Group 53-Bureau of the Public Debt: Entry UD-UP 13,
“Historical Files, 1913-1960,” Box 3, File 230. National Archives and Records Administration, College Park,
Maryland.
3. Carpenter, Samuel, Secretary, Bureau of Engraving and Printing, July 20, 1945 letter to Alan Sproul, President, Federal
Reserve Board of Governors, regarding official titles for Federal Reserve Banks: “Historical Files, 1913-1960,” Box 3,
File 230.
4.Hall, Alvin, Director, Bureau of Engraving and Printing, July 20, 1945 letter to William Broughton, Public Debt Service
Commissioner, regarding official titles for Federal Reserve Banks: “Historical Files, 1913-1960,” Box 3, File 230.
5. Ibid.
5. Record Group 318-Bureau of Engraving and Printing: Entry P1, “Ledgers Pertaining to Plates, Rolls and Dies, 1870s-1960s,”
Container 147. National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Maryland.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
Figures 7a and 7b. $500 and $1000 1934B notes with revised seals.
(Photo courtesy Narional Numismatic Collection.)
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141
INTERESTING MINING NOTES
by David E. Schenkman
More Indiana Mining Notes
The topic of my previous column was a note
issued in 1889 by the Island Coal Company of Island
City, Indiana. This month I’ll discuss three other
notes from Indiana that relate to mining, and one
that possibly does.
INDIANA STATE MINING AND MANUFACTURING
COMPANY
One dollar, two dollar, and five dollar notes
from this company are listed in the Indiana catalog,
as 496‐1, 2, and 3 respectively; they are all rare. I
have been unable to learn much about this
business, although the notes are included on a list
of shinplasters published in 1858. Michigan City is
located on Lake Michigan in LaPorte County,
Indiana, at the northwest corner of the state and
about fifty miles east of Chicago. My letters to the
local historical society have gone unanswered.
However, I did receive an informative email from
the Reference Librarian at the Michigan City Public
Library, who informed me that the only mining in
Michigan City was sand mining, and that wasn’t
started until long after the 1850s. The only person
named Oliver she had record of was a John Oliver
who was born in 1834 in England and came to this
country in 1853, where he resided in Michigan City.
Oliver worked as a blacksmith. He also served on the
city council for four years, and as a police
commissioner for five years. Evidently, he
prospered, because he owned two store buildings in
town.
A letter in the November 1, 1854 issue of
the Evansville Daily Journal (Indiana) reported that
“pursuant to my promise in your paper of yesterday,
I proceed to lay before the public the evidence
under my control, of the character and condition of
The Indiana State Mining and Manufacturing
Company and Conant’s Coal Bank, as banking
corporations, which character they have both
assumed, by the issue of notes payable to bearer to
be used as money.” It goes on to say that the two
companies mentioned above “were organized as
banking corporations, and have proceeded to
exercise banking privileges in fraud and open
defiance of both the Constitution and the general
banking law of the State.” Based on this, we can
assume that this company never engaged in any
mining activities.
ROCKPORT MINING AND MANUFACTURING
COMPANY
Although the name would indicate
otherwise, as in the case of the business discussed
above it is very likely that this company had nothing
to do with either mining or manufacture. According
to an 1885 history of Warrick, Spencer and Perry
Counties, in a discussion of the 1850s, “another
banking enterprise during this decade was the
private one known as the Rockport Mining and
Manufacturing Company, of which John Crawford
was President and James D. Allen, Cashier. This bank
flourished for a short period, doing a general
banking business, including the insurance (sic) of a
limited amount of ‘shinplasters.’ It was, and now is,
popularly known as Allen's Bank.” The company was
included in a list of “shinplasters” published in the
June 10, 1858 issue of the Winchester, Indiana
Randolph Journal newspaper.
A one dollar note dated 1854 is illustrated
in the Indiana catalog and a two dollar
denomination is listed also (724‐1 and 2). The one
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142
dollar note illustrated herein is dated 1859, so the
notes were issued during a period of at least five
years. They were printed by the Cincinnati Bank
Note Company and signed by J. D. Allen as
president.
When the cornerstone for the Rockport
Academy, or Collegiate Institute was laid in 1859, a
large crowd assembled at the site to witness the
event. The tin box which was placed in the stone
contained a variety of items, including “various
United States coins, bills of the Mining and
Manufacturing Bank of Rockport, and copies of
several newspapers.” Interestingly, the business
was referred to as “bank” rather than as
“company.”
SOUTHERN INDIANA COAL AND IRON COMPANY
An 1872 geological survey reported that a
new furnace had just been completed by this
company on the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad, near
Shoals. An article by Howard L. Balsley, in an article
titled “Indiana Iron from Native Ore” which was
published in a 1949 issue of Indiana Magazine of
History, gives the year as “about 1870,” but 1872 is
probably correct since it comes from a more
contemporary and official source. From a news item
in the June 26, 1872 issue of The Indiana Herald
newspaper we learn that “Ironton is to be the name
of the place selected for the erection of iron
furnaces by the Southern Indiana Coal and Iron
Company, in Martin County.”
The company was possibly short‐lived; the
April 23, 1875 issue of The Jasper Weekly Courier
informed readers that “the furnace and other
property of the Southern Indiana Coal and Iron
Company, at Shoals, have been purchased by a new
company for $147,000.” However, the 1876 edition
of the United States Industrial Directory reported
that the company “recently purchased a large tract
of timber land for the purpose of making charcoal
iron, but they ran on bituminous coal in 1873.” I
haven’t determined whether the company changed
names in 1875, or continued to operate under the
original name, but by the early 1880s it was out of
business.
The only note I’ve encountered from this
company is the five‐dollar piece illustrated herein. It
bears the imprint of the Louisville Steam Lith. Co. I
feel sure other denominations were issued.
E. Adamson; a possible mining note
I have been unable to learn anything about
this note, which is unlisted, but decided to include it
in the hope that a reader might have some
information concerning its use. As the note
indicates, Elisha Adamson, who is listed as a
businessman in a history of Clay County, was
located in Carbon, a small town that was named
after the Carbon Block Coal Company.
Unfortunately, the history doesn’t specify the type
of business he operated.
Adamson was born on January 17, 1803 and
died on May 31, 1879. The town’s post office was
established in 1870 or 1871, and Carbon was
incorporated in 1875; at that time, it had a
population of five hundred. It seems very likely that
any business in the town during that time would
have been associated with the coal company.
Comments, questions, suggestions (even
criticisms) concerning this column may be emailed
to dave@turtlehillbanjo.com or mailed to P.O. Box
2866, La Plata, MD 20646.
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143
The Obsolete Corner
The City Bank of Leavenworth, Kansas
by Robert Gill
Several years ago, I was contacted by my good
friend / Obsolete dealer, Hugh Shull, about a sheet
that he had recently acquired. And what a sheet it
was! After making a deal on it, I added to my
collection a piece that I had always thought I'd never
be able to obtain. And that was on The City Bank, of
Leavenworth, Kansas. It is an incredible sheet from a
tough state for a sheet collector like myself.
Steve Whitfield, in his excellent book,
Kansas Paper Money, tells us The City Bank, of
Leavenworth, Kansas, was organized in November of
1856, which is the printed date that appears on
existing bank notes. It may not have opened for
business until the spring or summer of 1857, because
advertisements for the Bank began to appear in local
newspapers about that time. Business was done on
the south side of Delaware Street, between Second
and Third Streets, where # 213 stands today. Henry
J. Adams, who served as the first "free state" mayor
of Leavenworth in 1857, was President, and A.C.
Swift served as Cashier. Swift would later become
Cashier of The Kansas Valley Bank at Atchison, in
1858, thereby linking the short-lived City Bank with
the banking history of Atchison.
The City Bank organized and issued paper
money without authority of the Kansas Territorial
Legislature. Ironically, the Legislature may have
authorized this Bank and its issue of currency by the
Act of February 11th, 1858, after the Bank had failed.
The act to charter a bank in Leavenworth listed as
incorporators, Henry J. Adams, William H. Russell,
I.W. Morris, and several others. Because Adams'
name was included, it is possible that the intent was
to charter The City Bank.
The City Bank issued large amounts of
unsecured paper money just prior to the nationwide
banking crisis of October 1857. The crisis was
particularly hard on western banks, and brought
down this Bank along with many others. As people
demanded coin, this institution was unable to redeem
its notes, and consequently failed with heavy losses.
It was reported that the Bank owed $15,000 at its
closure. It was probably the only note-issuing bank
in early Kansas that met the traditional definition of a
"broken bank".
This fabulous piece of history was printed
by W.L. Ormsby, New York. During Obsolete
Currency times, counterfeiting / note value raising
was rampant. But Mr. Ormsby had a way of
designing notes that was very successful in
combating this illegal activity. Notice in the scan of
the face of this sheet, the One Dollar Note has a
central vignette of one man, with one dial on each
side of him, with the denomination. And notice the
Two Dollar Note has two men as the central vignette,
with two denominational dials on each side. And
also, the Three Dollar note, with three men and
accompanying three dials.
Unlike most Obsolete notes being uniface
(one printed side only), The City Bank went to the
added expense of having a printed back side. Notice
in the second scan, that Mr. Ormsby employed the
same anti-counterfeiting tactics. The top two notes,
being One Dollar Notes, have just one large, circular
figure on it. The third note, being a Two Dollar
Note, has two figures. And the bottom note, being a
Three Dollar Note, has three figures. And if you look
closely, the circular figures consist of the appropriate
letters or numbers (denomination) that form them.
Some "paper professionals" during that time were
very crafted in "raising" the value of a note. But these
engraving efforts of Mr. Ormsby were very valuable
in deterring the crafty scoundrels.
So, there you have it. A sheet with a great
history, and the actions by the engraver / printer to try
to keep its notes legitimate. What a sheet!
As I always do, I invite any comments to
my cell phone number (580) 221-0898, or my
personal email address robertgill@cableone.net
Until next time... HAPPY COLLECTING.
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145
Who Grades the Graders?
and Other Quirks of Counterfeiting
Collector complaints about third-party graders are
perpetual, but late last year one online discussion in
particular caught my eye. An IBNS forum thread
entitled “Who Grades the Graders?” discussed notes
being slabbed and sold by a Chinese outfit, the “Jin
Quan Rating Service.” Given that country’s fondness
for fakery, the very notion of a Chinese numismatic
certification service with any credibility is simply
risible. And indeed, as one IBNS discussant pointed
out, the Jin Quan Rating service had itself counterfeited
its own look and feel: “their logo, font type, font size
and colour scheme are all stolen wholesale from PMG
“[!]. The discussant continued, plaintively: “Can a
company like this be trusted? When even grading
companies are fake (as I have no choice but to take this
one to be) the need for oversight has become acute.”
This is a real problem that is getting worse. For at
least a decade, collectors on the coin side of the hobby
have grappled with the bane of Chinese-sourced
counterfeits, allegedly slabbed by outfits like NGC and
PCGS. Now this is spreading to paper currency as well.
Indeed, the success of counterfeiters in imitating
numismatic packaging has prompted the grading
services to up their game, resorting to technological
fixes that prevent the authority which their holders
represent from being compromised.
While this particular threat is new, the underlying
problem is an older and very interesting one.
Counterfeiting is most successful when fakery extends
beyond the items themselves to include the contexts
that people believe make them genuine. Perversely
even, measures taken against counterfeiting may
contribute to the very problem they seek to fight.
In 1806, an early American banknote reporter
published by Gilbert & Dean noted that “the errors in
the counterfeits, pointed out in our former
advertisement, are completely remedied in those now in
circulation, and are evidently executed by a master
workman.” In 1799, the great Jacob Perkins had
patented his “check plate protector” that sought to
increase banknote security by creating standardized,
interchangeable parts of a banknote plate’s elements.
Perkins’ bitter rival, Abel Brewster, retorted that this
interchangeability would only facilitate counterfeiting
as these plate pieces accumulated, allowing
unscrupulous printers to combine them in ways that
created fake banknotes on fictitious banks. In much the
same way, Charles Ulrich in 1870s took advantage of
the very standardization of national banknotes to
execute his counterfeits. Armed with skeleton plates
lacking the names and locations of banks, Ulrich simply
inserted and switched these details to his advantage.
Thus, when the public’s attention was drawn to
counterfeits on one bank, Ulrich simply changed his
plates to produce fake notes on another.
These sundry references illustrate a larger
challenge that I’ve alluded to in previous columns: to
recognize fakes we need to know what the standard for
genuineness is. If that standard is esoteric with respect
to our ordinary sense perceptions, if it can be corrupted,
or if it even does not exist, then counterfeiting can
flourish. For instance, William Dillistin noted that,
during the glory days of antebellum banking, fake
banknote reporters themselves were published to
manufacture reputations for dodgy circulations.
More recently, the Mormon forger Mark Hofmann
exploited both his knowledge of his Church’s history
and its leadership’s psychological vulnerabilities to
perpetrate ingenious frauds. Crucially, for Hofmann’s
schemes to succeed, experts had to be complicit in the
sense that they were motivated to believe in the
authenticity of Hofmann’s handiwork because it fit
their preconceptions. Thus, the numismatic authority
Alvin Rust paid Hofmann such a vast sum for hitherto
unknown denominations of Deseret Currency not
despite his having never seen them before, but precisely
because of it. In his own testimony, Rust averred that
he wouldn’t have paid so much for the notes had he
known that Hofmann’s fakes weren’t unique! More
broadly, Hofmann essentially extorted the LDS Church
by conjuring up documents like the notorious
“Salamander Letter” that threatened its foundational
narratives, prompting the Church to purchase his
forgeries to control their dissemination. In a nice touch,
Hofmann even took care to forge the very sample of
handwriting that would be used establish the
authenticity of that forged letter.
Mark Hofmann remains behind bars for his
crimes. But, like the painter Han van Meegeren, who
forged fantasy Vermeers that connoisseurs believed had
to exist, Hofmann’s successes straddled the gulf
between the genuine and the fake. The reality both men
exploited wasn’t simply that human beings like Alvin
Rust can be gullible. It’s that all of us possess a will to
believe that can be activated under the right
circumstances. Nobody is going to fall for something
like the Jin Quan Rating Service anytime soon. But
sometime someday we will, and only because we want
to.
Chump Change
Loren Gatch
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
147
President’s Column Sep/Oct 2017
I’m excited to tell you about the progress we’ve been
making in our various projects and initiatives since my last
report.
But before I do that, I’m very pleased to announce that
Robert Calderman has become the newest addition to our
board of governors. In January, at our SPMC membership
meeting at the FUN show, Robert offered his assistance to
help with our recruitment efforts at regional shows. The
first step in becoming a board member is to obtain the
signatures of ten members supporting the candidate. Within
a few days, he successfully obtained not less than 25
glowing letters of recommendation! Our board eagerly
voted him into an open seat, as his enthusiasm and love for
the hobby is contagious. We are confident that Robert will
do great things as he takes an SPMC table at some of the
larger shows, particularly in the southeast. He is planning
to host the first SPMC table at Long Beach as well. Robert,
welcome to the board, and thank you for your service!
Let me first talk about the FUN show in January. We
had a table in the club area that was staffed at various times
by Mark Anderson, Joshua Herbstman, Bob Moon, Wendell
Wolka and me. We were able to chat with several folks
walking by, but it struck me that we can still do better. I
was able to talk with FUN president Randy Campbell for a
few moments, and we agreed to have a conversation this
summer about scheduling paper money speakers at FUN
2019, perhaps in the fashion of the speakers’ series at the
International Paper Money Show, but targeted for a more
entry-level audience. There was also a treasure hunt at FUN
for youngsters that I think we should be participate in next
year. Being in the club area brought a few ideas to mind as
to how we can make a better appearance at future shows, so
with that we have since procured a nice new banner and
updated table cover. These are all small things in
themselves, but together they help the cause.
Adding to that, Governor Gary Dobbins is making
appearances at shows in Texas. He shared a table with Jerry
Fochtman representing the Fractional Currency Collectors
Board at the Houston
Money Show, and
will take a table at the
ANA National
Money Show in
Irving in March.
Shifting gears,
our new website has
finally come online,
and we’re very proud
of it. It has taken
several months to bring it from concept to production, but it
was worth the wait. Thanks to our developer Akshay Patel
and his partners at Webrmedia, LLC for their hard work.
Please check it out at www.spmc.org.
Our Education, Research and Outreach (ERO)
coordinator Loren Gatch and fellow board members have
been busy finalizing our revised grant application process
and form. This needed to be brought up to date as we want
to help fund researchers and bring their studies to print in
Paper Money. If you have thought about learning more
about your favorite notes and sharing that with others, let us
help you. Please go to the website to download the
application form and submit it for our review.
Our ERO efforts recently got a boost from two
generous donations of $5,000 each from the Eric P.
Newman Numismatic Education Society and the National
Currency Foundation. Both institutions are dedicated to
research and education, and we are pleased to partner with
them. NCF has long been a financial supporter of SPMC.
EPNNES’s greatest initiative has been the Newman
Numismatic Portal (https://nnp.wustl.edu/), a virtual library
for numismatic research. NCF sponsors the National
Banknote Census (https://nbncensus.com/), an invaluable
tool for those who study and collect U.S. National Currency.
I’ve used both extensively and highly recommend them.
Thank you EPNNES and NCF!
Looking forward, the International Paper Money Show
is the highly anticipated event coming in June at Kansas
City. Last year’s show, moved from 40 years previously in
Memphis, was the first year in Kansas City and was hugely
successful. For me personally, it was the single best show
I’ve attended in over ten years, adding several notes to my
collection. If you have not been there before, do yourself a
big favor, get away from your computer screen, and meet
with fellow collectors and dealers. The collecting
experience is so much more fulfilling when you have the
chance to spend time with great people. You’ll find a great
many dealers with whom to shop, another great auction by
Lyn Knight, presentations by several currency experts on a
variety of interesting topics, a fantastic assembly of
exhibits, and new this year is a tour of the Kansas City
Federal Reserve Bank. Check out our website as the time
approaches for more detailed information.
Finally, I want to call those interested in U.S. obsoletes
to make their registry sets in the SPMC Obsoletes Database
Project (https://www.spmc.org/obs/). This is the first year
we’re having a competition and I think this will be fun and
educational. Instructions can be found online in the FAQ
section, and also in the previous edition of Paper Money,
where I wrote an article about it. Voting for the entries will
begin soon, so watch our website for details. Winners will
be announced at the IPMS.
With that, I’ll close my report to you. I hope you’ve
been able to use your winter months building your
collection and spending time with family and friends.
Shawn
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
148
Editor Sez
2018 is certainly off to a
blazing start—in more ways
than one. FUN was a
resounding success and we
are anxiously awaiting the
second KC IPMS.
This year has also
already had its share of
controversy and tragedy—AND THE FLU!
Two of these have really hit home to me—
the school shootings and they flu. As a
school nurse in the largest high school in
Texas (over 5,000 students), I am
concerned about safety. I don’t really dwell
on it and won’t go into a discussion here,
but just want to encourage all the parents
out there to hug your kids, tell them how
much you love them and teach them not
only respect, good manners, but common
sense as well.
On the flu front, we had record setting
numbers at the school, but I was fortunate
not to get it (35 years in ER and schools—
my immune system seems to be
impenetrable)!
But back to our hobby! All signs seem
to be pointing to a great year and a
resurging market.
I want to congratulate and say
welcome to Robert Calderman, our newest
governor. For the first time in a long time,
all our governor positions are full. He will
serve for the next three years even though
his spot is up for election. We do have
three other seats up for election, so if you
want to join us, contact any of the board members
or officers for more information.
And we are off to starting many wonderful
initiatives, with the database related to obsoletes
(I have found if you say obsolete database, many
wonder why we just don’t modernize it)! We also
have a renewed push for more educational
grants. Mike Scacci is heading this up. More can
be found in President Hewitt’s column.
I also want to say Get Well Soon to one of
our more prolific authors, Carlson Chambliss.
Many of you know he had a rough year last year
with the theft of much of his collection (thankfully
most was recovered) and some other health
issues. He called me in January and he recently
fell and fractured his hip and an arm, which
makes recovery more difficult. Keep him in mind
and we all hope he can make it to KC.
Speaking of KC, it is shaping up to be great
again! Do plan to attend and think about
presenting at one of the speaker series that Peter
Huntoon is in charge of. Speaking not for you?
How about placing an exhibit? Due to his health,
long-time exhibit chair Martin Delger has retired
that position and his very able assistant Robert
Moon is taking over. Check with him for an exhibit
application. The rules are essentially the same. All
exhibits that are to be considered for an SPMC
award can be no larger than seven cases. If
space permits, an exhibitor may be able to place
a second exhibit—just contact Mr. Moon.
Benny
Texting and Driving—It can wait!
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
149
W_l]om_ to Our
N_w M_m\_rs!
\y Fr[nk Cl[rk—SPMC M_m\_rship Dir_]tor
NEW MEMBERS 01/05/2018
14716 Nico Ribbens, Website
14717 Randy Colen, Website
14718 Nyle C. Monday, China
14719 Paul Moeller, Jason Bradford
14720 Sewall Hodges, Website
14721 David Brady, Jason Bradford
14722 James McCloskey, Jason Bradford
14723 Dennis Kyro, Website
14724 Steven Shuster, Website
14725 Katrina King, Website
REINSTATEMENTS
None
Life Memberships
None
NEW MEMBERS 02/05/2018
14726 Kirk Edwards, Website
14727 Larry Hassler, ANA Ad
14728 Justin Meuner, Website
14729 Brent Gordon, Jason Bradford
14730 Marvin Dudek, Website
14731 Matthew Smorto, Library of Congress
14732 Tomas Huszagh, Website
14733 M. Shallow, A Coin Shop LLC, Website
REINSTATEMENTS
None
Life Memberships
None
SPMC Governor Elections
Each year, four of the SPMC governor positions are up for election. This year, due to filling a
vacant position with Mr. Calderman, only three will be up for election. The following seats are
up for election this year and are currently held by;
Pierre Fricke, Michael Scacci and Wendell Wolka
All three have decided to run for re-election. If any member is interested in running for one of the
seats, contact President Hewitt or any board member by May 25, 2018
For Membership questions, dues and contact information go to our
website
www.spmc.org
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
150
Florida Paper Money
Ron Benice
“I collect all kinds
of Florida paper money”
4452 Deer Trail Blvd.
Sarasota, FL 34238
941 927 8765
Benice@Prodigy.net
Books available mcfarlandpub.com,
Fractional Currency Collectors
Join the Fractional Currency Collectors Board (FCCB)
today and join with other collectors who study, collect
and commiserate about these fascinating notes.
New members get a copy of Milt Friedberg’s updated
version of the Encyclopedia of United States Postage
and Fractional Currency as well as a copy of the
S implified copy of the same which is aimed at new
collectors. Come join a group dedicated to the are
fractional fanatics!
New Membership is $30
or $22 for the Simplified edition only
To join, contact Dave Stitely, membership chair
Box 136, Gradyville, PA 19039.
SIZE INCHES 50 100 500 1000
Fractional 43/4 X 21/4 $28.40 $51.00 $228.00 $400.00
Colonial 51/2 X 31/16 $25.20 $45.00 $208.00 $364.00
Small Currency 65/8 X 27/8 $25.45 $47.00 $212.00 $380.00
Large Currency 77/8 X 31/2 $31.10 $55.00 $258.00 $504.00
Auction 9 X 33/4 $31.10 $55.00 $258.00 $504.00
Foreign Currency 8 X 5 $38.00 $68.50 $310.00 $537.00
Checks 95/8 X 41/4 $40.00 $72.50 $330.00 $577.00
SHEET HOLDERS
10 50 100 250
Obsolete Sheet--end
open
83/4 X 141/2 $23.00 $101.00 $177.00 $412.00
National Sheet--side
open
81/2 X 171/2 $24.00 $108.00 $190.00 $421.00
Stock Certificate--end
open
91/2 X 121/2 $21.50 $95.00 $165.00 $390.00
Map & Bond--end open 181/2 X 241/2 $91.00 $405.00 $738.00 $1,698.00
Photo 51/4 X 71/4 $12.00 $46.00 $80.00 $186.00
Foreign Oversize 10 X 6 $23.00 $89.00 $150.00 $320.00
Foreign Jumbo 10 X 8 $30.00 $118.00 $199.00 $425.00
DBR Currency
We Pay top dollar for
*National Bank notes
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www.DBRCurrency.com
P.O. Box 28339
San Diego, CA 92198
Phone: 858-679-3350
Fax: 858-679-7505
See out eBay auctions under
user ID DBRcurrency
1507 Sanborn Ave. • Box 258
Okoboji, IA 51355
Open from Memorial Day thru Labor Day
History of National Banking & Bank Notes
Turn of the Century Iowa Postcards
MYLAR-D® CURRENCY HOLDERS
BANK NOTE AND CHECK HOLDERS
You may assort note holders for best price (min. 50 pcs. one size).
You may assort sheet holders for best price (min. 10 pcs. one size).
SHIPPING IN THE U.S. (PARCEL POST) FREE OF CHARGE
Out of Country sent Registered Mail at Your Cost
Mylar D® is a Registered Trademark of the Dupont Corporation. This also
applies to uncoated archival quality Mylar® Type D by the Dupont Corp. or the
equivalent material by ICI Industries Corp. Melinex Type 516.
DENLY’S OF BOSTON
P.O. Box 29, Dedham, MA 02027 • 781-326-9481
ORDERS: 800-HI-DENLY • FAX-781-326-9484
WWW.DENLY’S.COM
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
151
United States Paper Money
specialselectionsfordiscriminatingcollectors
Buying and Selling
the finest in U.S. paper money
Individual Rarities: Large, Small National
Serial Number One Notes
Large Size Type
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StarorReplacementNotes
Specimens, Proofs,Experimentals
FrederickJ. Bart
Bart,Inc.
website: www.executivecurrency.com
(586) 979-3400
POBox2• Roseville,MI 48066
e-mail: Bart@executivecurrency.com
Buying & Selling
• Obsolete • Confederate
• Colonial & Continental
• Fractional
• Large & Small U.S. Type Notes
Vern Potter Currency
& Collectibles
Please visit our Website at
www.VernPotter.com
Hundreds of Quality Notes Scanned,
Attributed & Priced
P.O. Box 10040
Torrance, CA 90505-0740
Phone: 310-326-0406
Email: Vern@VernPotter.com
Member •PCDA •SPMC •FUN •ANA
WANTED: 1778 NORTH CAROLINA COLONIAL $40.
(Free Speech Motto). Kenneth Casebeer, (828) 277-
1779; Casebeer@law.miami.edu
TRADE MY DUPLICATE, circulated FRN $1 star notes
for yours I need. Have many in the low printings. Free
list. Ken Kooistra, PO Box 71, Perkiomenville, PA 18074.
kmk050652@verizon.net
WANTED: Notes from the State Bank of Indiana, Bank of
the State of Indiana, and related documents, reports,
and other items. Write with description (include
photocopy if possible) first. Wendell Wolka, PO Box
1211, Greenwood, IN 46142
FOR SALE: College Currency/advertising notes/
1907 depression scrip/Michigan Obsoletes/Michigan
Nationals/stock certificates. Other interests? please
advise. Lawrence Falater.Box 81, Allen, MI. 49227
WANTED: Any type Nationals containing the name
“LAWRENCE” (i.e. bank of LAWRENCE). Send
photo/price/description to LFM@LARRYM.com
WANTED: Republic of Texas “Star” (1st issue) notes.
Also “Medallion” (3rd issue) notes. VF+. Serious
Collector. reptexpaper@gmail.com.
BUYING ONLY $1 HAWAII OVERPRINTS. White, no
stains, ink, rust or rubber stamping, only EF or AU.
Pay Ask. Craig Watanabe. 808-531- 2702.
Captaincookcoin@aol.com
Vermont National Bank Notes for sale.
For list contact. granitecutter@bellsouth.net.
WANTED: Any type Nationals from Charter #10444
Forestville, NY. Contact with price. Leo Duliba, 469
Willard St., Jamestown, NY 14701-4129.
"Collecting Paper Money with Confidence". All 27
grading factors explained clearly and in detail. Now
available Amazon.com . AhlKayn@gmail.com
Stamford CT Nationals For Sale or Trade. Have some
duplicate notes, prefer trade for other
Stamford notes, will consider cash.
dombongo@earthlink.net
Wanted Railroad scrip Wills Valley; Western &
Atlantic 1840s; East Tennessee & Georgia; Memphis
and Charleston. Dennis Schafluetzel 1900 Red Fox
Lane; Hixson, TN 37343. Call 423-842-5527 or email
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$ MoneyMart $
___________________________________________________________Paper Money * March/April 2018 * Whole No. 314_____________________________________________________________
152
OUR MEMBERS SPECIALIZE IN
NATIONAL CURRENCY
They also specialize in Large Size Type Notes, Small Size Currency,
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THE PROFESSIONAL CURRENCY DEALERS ASSOCIATION
is the leading organization of OVER 100 DEALERS in Currency,
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To be assured of knowledgeable, professional, and ethical dealings
when buying or selling currency, look for dealers who
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For a FREE copy of the PCDA Membership Directory listing names, addresses and specialties
of all members, send your request to:
The Professional Currency Dealers Association
PCDA
• Hosts the annual National Currency & Coin Convention during March in Rosemont, Illinois.
Please visit our Web Site pcdaonline.com for dates and location.
• Encourages public awareness and education regarding the hobby of Paper Money Collecting.
• Sponsors the John Hickman National Currency Exhibit Award each summer at the International
Paper Money Convention, as well as Paper Money classes and scholarships at the A.N.A.’s Summer
Seminar series.
• Publishes several “How to Collect” booklets regarding currency and related paper items. Availability
of these booklets can be found in the Membership Directory or on our Web Site.
Or Visit Our Web Site At: www.pcdaonline.com
James A. Simek – Secretary
P.O. Box 7157 • Westchester, IL 60154
(630) 889-8207 • Email: nge3@comcast.net
Paul R. Minshull IL #441002067; Heritage Auctions #444000370.
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PLATINUM NIGHT® & SIGNATURE® AUCTIONS
April 25-30, 2018 | Chicago | Live & Online
Selections from The C.R. Chambliss Collection
Offered in our upcoming Official Central States Auction
Fr. 167a $100 1863 Legal Tender PMG Choice Very Fine 35
Fr. 148 $50 1862 Legal Tender PCGS Very Fine 30
Fr. 151 $50 1869 Legal Tender PMG Very Fine 30
Fr. 327 $50 1880 Silver Certificate PMG Very Fine 20
Fr. 1217 $500 1922 Gold Certificate PCGS About New 53
Fr. 1220 $1,000 1922 Gold Certificate PMG Choice Very Fine 35
Carlson R. Chambliss is the co-Author
of The Comprehensive Catalog of U.S.
Federal Large-Size Notes, 1861-1929,
and many of the notes in his collection are
the plate notes in this must-have currency
reference. For a complimentary copy,
contact Dustin Johnston 214-409-1302.