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Table of Contents
The End of National Bank Notes--Lee Lofthus
Digital Archives of the Walton Collection--Matt Hansen
Back Plate 470 Discovery--Peter Huntoon
Laws Governing the Circulation & Denominations of NBNs--Peter Huntoon
William Morris Meredith--Rick Melamed
Challis Idaho Territory Postal Note--Bob Laub
Fairbanks, AK Bankers--Frank Clark
SPMC On-Line Showcase of NBN Collections--Matt Hansen
UNESCO World Heritage Sites--Albania--Roland Rollins
The Exchange Note (Billete de Canje) of Puerto Rico--Angel Zayas
Notes of the Farmers & Mechanics Bank--Gerald Dzara
official journal of
The Society of Paper Money Collectors
The End of National Bank Notes
America’s Oldest and Most Accomplished Rare Coin Auctioneer
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CC-34. Continental Currency. May 9, 1776. $4.
PCGS Banknote Superb Gem Uncirculated 68 PPQ.
Realized: $18,000
T-45. Confederate Currency. 1862 $1.
PMG Gem Uncirculated 65 EPQ.
Realized: $14,400
Fr. 1700. 1933 $10 Silver Certificate.
PCGS Banknote Superb Gem Uncirculated 67 PPQ.
Low Serial Number.
Realized: $99,000
Fr. 2210-Hlgs. 1928 Light Green Seal
$1000 Federal Reserve Note. St. Louis.
PMG Gem Uncirculated 65 EPQ.
Realized: $43,200
Fr. 2402H. 1928 $20 Gold Certificate Star Note.
PMG Gem Uncirculated 65 EPQ.
Realized: $38,400
Fr. 2405. 1928 $100 Gold Certificate.
PMG Gem Uncirculated 66 EPQ.
Realized: $192,000
Fr. 2407. 1928 $500 Gold Certificate.
PMG Gem Uncirculated 65 EPQ.
Realized: $216,000
Fr. 2221-K. 1934 $5000 Federal Reserve Note.
Dallas. PCGS Banknote Choice Very Fine 35.
Realized: $174,000
Fr. 2301mH. 1934 $5 Hawaii Emergency
Star Mule Note. San Francisco.
PMG Gem Uncirculated 66 EPQ.
Realized: $52,800
Fr. 2200-Jdgs. 1928 Dark Green Seal
$500 Federal Reserve Note. Kansas City.
PMG Gem Uncirculated 65 EPQ.
Realized: $43,200
Fr. 2201-A. 1934 Dark Green Seal
$500 Federal Reserve Note. Boston.
PCGS Banknote Superb Gem Uncirculated 68 PPQ.
Realized: $48,000
Fr. 2. 1861 $5 Demand Note.
PMG Gem Uncirculated 65 EPQ.
Realized: $408,000
Contact Us for More Information Today!
West Coast: 800.458.4646 • East Coast: 800.566.2580 • Consign@StacksBowers.com
170 The End of National Bank Notes--Lee Lofthus
194 Digital Archives of the Walton Collection--Matt Hansen
200 Back Plate 470 Discovery--Peter Huntoon
203 Laws Governing the Circulation & Denominations of NBNs--Peter Huntoon
212 William Morris Meredith--Rick Melamed
216 Challis Idaho Territory Postal Note--Bob Laub
218 Fairbanks, AK Bankers--Frank Clark
219 SPMC On-Line Showcase of NBN Collections--Matt Hansen
221 UNESCO World Heritage Sites--Albania--Roland Rollins
222 The Exchange Note (Billete deCanje) of Puerto Rico--Angel Zayas
241 Notes of the Farmers & Mechanics Bank--Gerald Dzara
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
163
Columns
Advertisers
SPMC Hall of Fame
The SPMC Hall of Fame recognizes and honors those individuals who
have made a lasting contribution to the society over the span of many years.
Charles Affleck
Walter Allan
Doug Ball
Hank Bieciuk
Joseph Boling
F.C.C. Boyd
Michael Crabb
Forrest Daniel
Martin Delger
William Donlon
Roger Durand
C. John Ferreri
Milt Friedberg
Robert Friedberg
Len Glazer
Nathan Gold
Nathan Goldstein
James Haxby
John Herzog
Gene Hessler
John Hickman
William Higgins
Ruth Hill
Peter Huntoon
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Lyn Knight
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Barbara Mueller
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Dean Oakes
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Matt Rothert
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Schingoethe
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Raphael Thian
Daniel Valentine
Louis Van Belkum
George Wait
D.C. Wismer
From Your President
Editor Sez
New Members
Uncoupled
Chump Change
Obsolete Corner
Quartermaster
Small Notes
Cherry Picker Corner
Robert Vandevender 165
Benny Bolin 166
Frank Clark 167
Joe Boling & Fred Schwan 228
Loren Gatch 233
Robert Gill 234
Michael McNeil 236
Jamie Yakes 242
Robert Calderman 244
Stacks Bowers Galleries IFC
Pierre Fricke 163
Greysheet 169
Tom Denly 193
Lyn Knight 199
Higgins Museum 202
Bob Laub 217
PCGS-C 220
Fred Bart 226
DBR Currency 226
MPC Book 227
Benny Bolin 243
Tony Chibbaro 243
FCCB 243
ANA 246
PCDA 247
Heritage Auctions OBC
Fred Schwan
Neil Shafer
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
164
Officers & Appointees
ELECTED OFFICERS
PRESIDENT Robert Vandevender II
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VICE-PRES/SEC'Y Robert Calderman
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TREASURER Robert Moon
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BOARD OF GOVERNORS
APPOINTEES
PUBLISHER-EDITOR
Benny Bolin smcbb@sbcglobal.net
ADVERTISING MANAGER
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LIBRARIAN
Jeff Brueggema
MEMBERSHIP DIRECTOR
Frank Clark frank_clark@yahoo.com
IMMEDIATE PAST PRESIDENT
Shawn Hewitt
WISMER BOOk PROJECT COORDINATOR
Pierre Fricke
From Your President
Robert Vandevender IIFrom Your President
Shawn Hewitt
Paper Money * July/August 2020
6
jeff@actioncurrency.com
LEGAL COUNSEL
n
Mark Anderson mbamba @aol.com
Robert Calderman gacoins@earthlink.com
Matt Drais stockpicker12@aol.com
Mark Drengson markd@step1software.com
Jerry Fochtman jerry@fochtman.us
Pierre Fricke pierrefricke@buyvintagemoney.com
Loren Gatch lgatch@uco.edu
William Litt billlitt@aol.com
J. Fred Maples maples@comcast.net
Cody Regenitter cody.reginitter@gmail.com
Andy Timmerman andrew.timmerman@aol.com
Wendell Wolka urduenut@aol.com
One of our SPMC Life Members, James Dawson, was kind enough to send me a
very large article from the New York Times Business Section dated March 11, 2023,
regarding Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen’s visit to the Fort Worth branch of the
Bureau of Engraving and Printing. Secretary Yellen signed, what the times called,
“commemorative notes at the unveiling of a batch of dollar bills.” Secretary Yellen’s
signature appears on the new 2021 Series notes. The Times incorrectly states “It’s the
first time that United States bank notes had been signed by a woman.” Of course, the
Treasurer signatures have featured signatures by women for decades. The multi-page
article features several color photos of the work in progress at the Ft. Worth facility
and I was happy to see that glimpse into their operation. If you have the opportunity,
you might enjoy checking out the article.
Last month, I received my latest shipment of graded notes back from third party
grading. It is always like opening a Christmas present when they arrive looking for the
surprises. On occasion, a note will come back graded lower than expected and
sometimes higher. But overall, I will have to say that the old-school grading we used
for years was pretty accurate by current standards and most of the notes match very
closely the anticipated grade.
The SPMC continues to encourage and provide support to many of our members
who do research and publish new information about paper money. One of our
members, Peter Huntoon, was scheduled to make another trip to the National Archives
in Washington DC this Spring continuing that research. I am looking forward to
hearing about his latest trip and seeing the results of new data he may have uncovered.
Thanks to the efforts of our Vice President, Robert Calderman, those of you who
receive The Currency Dealer Newsletter (CDN) Green Sheet should start seeing
advertisement for the SPMC encouraging new membership. You will also start to see
CDN advertisements in our Paper Money Magazine.
By the time you read this, the Central States Numismatic Society’s 84th Convention
will have come and gone and I’m sure many of you enjoyed the event. In June, we are
planning to staff an SPMC table at the Long Beach Expo and the SPMC will also have
a table at the upcoming American Numismatic Association’s World Fair of Money to
be held in Pittsburgh in August. Please stop by our table and say hello!
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
165
Terms and Conditions
The Society of Paper Money Collectors (SPMC) P.O. Box 7055,
Gainesville, GA 30504, publishes PAPER MONEY (USPS 00‐
3162) every other month beginning in January. Periodical
postage is paid at Hanover, PA. Postmaster send address
changes to Secretary Robert Calderman, Box 7055, Gainesville,
GA 30504. ©Society of Paper Money Collectors, Inc. 2020. All
rights reserved. Reproduction of any article in whole or part
without written approval is prohibited. Individual copies of this
issue of PAPER MONEY are available from the secretary for $8
postpaid. Send changes of address, inquiries concerning non ‐
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Manuscripts not under consideration elsewhere and
publications for review should be sent to the editor. Accepted
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All advertising is pay in advance. Ads are on a “good faith”
basis. Terms are “Until Forbid.”
Ads are Run of Press (ROP) unless accepted on a premium
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To keep rates to a minimum, all advertising must be prepaid
according to the schedule below. In exceptional cases where
special artwork or additional production is required, the
advertiser will be notified and billed accordingly. Rates are
not commissionable; proofs are not supplied. SPMC does not
endorse any company, dealer, or auction house. Advertising
Deadline: Subject to space availability, copy must be received
by the editor no later than the first day of the month
preceding the cover date of the issue (i.e. Feb. 1 for the
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other non‐bleed content must clear trim by minimum 1/2”.
Advertising c o p y shall be restricted to paper currency, allied
numismatic material, publications, and related accessories.
The SPMC does not guarantee advertisements, but accepts
copy in good faith, reserving the right to reject objectionable
or inappropriate material or edit copy. The SPMC
assumes no financial responsibility for typographical
errors in ads but agrees to reprint that portion of an ad in
which a typographical error occurs. Benny
Space
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Spring has sprung. My wife and I went to Oklahoma to the
Choctaw Casino and the Indian paintbrush and bluebonnets were
in full bloom and beautiful. It is funny how flowers seem to
know geographical boundaries as the bluebonnets (state flower
of Texas) were present from the house to near OK and then
stopped and the Indian paintbrush started where they left off and
continued North! I love spring--beautiful time of year.
Just when I thought I could get back into the swing of things,
well the old age thing crept up on me. Seems my front upper
smile was degrading and how do you fix that? Six (yes 6)
crowns at once! I just cry thinking of the notes I could have
bought with that $10K! Then, planting a small decorative tree, I
fell on the sidewalk and not just a stumble, but a full face plant
fall! Nothing broke, but sore all around!
Well, enough of my whining. As you read this we will be
readying for a fun filled summer of numismatic activities. ANA
summer seminar, ANA show, summer FUN and a lot of regional
and local shows. I encourage you to get out there and do hobby
things. Have fun.
Unfortunately, I have to report on the loss of three of our
stalwarts in the hobby. John Rowe III, Howard Cohen and
Howard Daniel III. I remember going to John's shop in Dallas
talking and buying fractional. He was a regular fixture at shows,
especially in Texas and at the IPMS. He knew I was a fractional
person so he gave me Amon Carter's personal copy of the
Rothbert fractional book and offered me the nicest fractional
shield I have ever seen for $1500! At that time making just
$6.99 and hour, that was way too much--oh for hindsight.
Howard Cohen was a true fractional collector that many outside
of the fractional community did not know. His style of collecting
was simple--only the best! If and when his collection comes up
for sale, it was be a landmark sale. At one IPMS in Memphis, he
gave my son a big dragon hand puppet make out of some type of
rubber substance. I love dragons and even though it was
Brandon's, I still have it today. Since Mr. Daniel and my
collecting interest were so far apart, I did not know him well, but
know he was of immense importance in the hobby. All will be
greatly missed!
If you are not a national bank note collector, I apologize that
this issue of PM is so national heavy. The long article by Lee
Lofthus is truly a magnificent article and one that has a lot of
great info in it. I have tried to also include some other articles
that all will like.
So, enjoy and bask in the spring and summer weather before
we have to go back to parkas and wooly gloves!
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
166
The Society of Paper Money
Collectors was organized in 1961 and
incorporated in 1964 as a non-profit
organization under the laws of the
District of Columbia. It is
affiliated with the ANA. The
Annual Meeting of the SPMC is
held in June at the International
Paper Money Show. Information
about the SPMC, including the
by-laws and activities can be
found at our website--
www.spmc.org. The SPMC does
not does not endorse any dealer,
company or auction house.
MEMBERSHIP—REGULAR and
LIFE. Applicants must be at least 18
years of age and of good moral
character. Members of the ANA or
other recognized numismatic
societies are eligible for membership.
Other applicants should be sponsored
by an SPMC member or provide
suitable references.
MEMBERSHIP—JUNIOR.
Applicants for Junior membership
must be from 12 to 17 years of age
and of good moral character. A parent
or guardian must sign their
application. Junior membership
numbers will be preceded by the letter
“j” which will be removed upon
notification to the secretary that the
member has reached 18 years of age.
Junior members are not eligible to
hold office or vote.
DUES—Annual dues are $39. Dues
for members in Canada and Mexico
are $45. Dues for members in all
other countries are $60. Life
membership—payable in installments
within one year is $800 for U.S.; $900
for Canada and Mexico and $1000
for all other countries. The Society
no longer issues annual membership
cards but paid up members may
request one from the membership
director with an SASE.
Memberships for all members who
joined the Society prior to January
2010 are on a calendar year basis
with renewals due each December.
Memberships for those who joined
since January 2010 are on an annual
basis beginning and ending the
month joined. All renewals are due
before the expiration date, which can
be found on the label of Paper
Money. Renewals may be done via
the Society website www.spmc.org
or by check/money order sent to the
secretary.
WELCOME TO OUR
NEW MEMBERS!
BY FRANK CLARK
SPMC MEMBERSHIP DIRECTOR
NEW MEMBERS 03/05/2023
15540 Dennis Boggs, Website
15541 Jorden Cupples, Website
15542 Steve Carroll
15543 Bill Kline, Website
15544 Victor Long, Website
15545 David Grand, Frank Clark
15546 Bob Missel, Matt Hansen
15547 Huiqing Wei,
15548 Gerald Terrell, Website
REINSTATEMENTS
None
LIFE MEMBERSHIPS
None
NEW MEMBERS 04/05/2023
15549 John Rado, Website
15550 VOID
15551 Michael Gasvoda, Website
15552 David French, Website
15553 John Callen, Website
15554 Louis Cassens, Robert Moon
15555 Larry Poirier, Website
REINSTATEMENTS
None
LIFE MEMBERSHIPS
LM465 Mike W. Thompson, Website
Dues Remittal Process
Send dues directly to
Robert Moon
SPMC Treasurer
104 Chipping Ct
Greenwood, SC 29649
Refer to your mailing label for when
your dues are due.
You may also pay your dues online at
www.spmc.org.
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
167
In Memoriam
John Nelson Rowe III
The last surviving charter
member of the SPMC
John Rowe III , the last surviving
charter member of the SPMC with
member number 306 passed away
on March 4, 2023, in Dallas. A
lifetime Dallas native, he started
collecting coins at age 10, taking
the bus to downtown Dallas to
Dallas Coin company and as a
teenage to Ft. Worth to see Amon
Carter, Sr., and Jr. His close
association with these two allowed
him to amass two of the greatest
coin collections of all time,
including the finest known 1794
dollar which recently sold for $10
million. Also, working with John
Merrill, he put together one of the
best collections of rare gold and
territorials ever amassed.
However, his passion was for
Texas currency of which he
amassed probably the greatest
collection ever built. In 2003, he
and his brother-in-law donated
this collection to the DeGolyer
Library at SMU in Dallas.
He was awarded the PNG Lifetime
Achievement Award and in 2022
was inducted into the SPMC Hall
of Fame.
Howard Allen Cohen
Howard Cohen was member
number 6973 of the SPMC and
number ??? of the Fractional
Currency Collectors Board. He
passed away on March 29, 2023 in
Boston, MA. He was described as
having a genius I.Q. with a child-
like joy in life. He was liked by all
who knew him, and his infectious
personality made him a joy to be
around.
His collecting style was for the
best available not one of quantity.
His fractional collection, while not
quite complete is certainly one of
the best if not the best in terms of
condition and will rival all others
ever put up for auction.
Howard was also an avid collector
of pens.
Howard was a graduate M.I.T. and
Goshen Business School. Howard
was president of Leco Electric, his
family Christmas lighting
business.
Howard A. Daniel III
Howard Daniel III, passed away
on April 5, 2023 in Florida. He
held member #3192 in the SPMC.
Howard enlisted in the U.S. Army
in 1957 until he retired as a Master
Sergeant in 1981 but was recalled
to duty to support Operation
Desert Storm in 1991.
He was a very successful and
knowledgeable collector,
researcher and writer having
published six books on the
currencies of Cambodia, Lao,
Vietnam and the whole of French
Indochina. His books are part of
the standard references for
Southeast Asia. In the 90s he also
wrote a popular regular column for
World Coin News, and later
authored many articles for which
he earned a number of awards.
Howard was a frequent speaker at
the annual International Paper
Money Show in Memphis, TN on
topics related to the various
currencies of Southeast Asia and
China.
Howard was a 50 yr member of the
ANA and life member of both the
ANA and IBNS and. He was a
recipient of an ANA President’s
award in 2002 and the Glenn
Smedly award in 2008. He was
named a Numismatic Ambassador
in 2004 and inducted into the
IBNS Hall-of-fame in 2017.
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
168
SPMC Board of Governors Election
Per the by-laws, an election will be held every year for one-third of the seats of the board of
governors (4 seats).
This year the following seats are up for election;
Mark Anderson
Loren Gatch
William Litt
J. Fred Maples
Governor Anderson has stated he will not be running for re-election.
Anyone interested in running for a board seat (3-year term) must be a member in good standing in
the Society. They must submit a biography and a written petition signed by 10 members in good
standing, and accompanied by a letter of acceptance by the nominee by June 15, 2023 to the SPMC
secretary. .
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
169
The End of
National Bank
Notes
T. J. Coolidge III and the Call of the Last
Circulation Bonds
By Lee Lofthus
hristmas Eve, 1934. Thomas Jefferson Coolidge III, Undersecretary of the Treasury, the
No. 2 official at the Department, was working. He drafted a memorandum for the Secretary
titled “Currency.” In that memorandum, Coolidge proposed a strategy for ending the
circulation of national bank notes.
Just 75 days later, on March 9, 1935, Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr.
issued a press release saying the circulation bonds that backed national bank notes would be called
for redemption. This was the end for nationals. By August 1st it was all over except scavenging the
outstanding notes from circulation and destroying them.
Numismatists have long understood that nationals ended when the circulation bonds
backing the notes were called, but there was no requirement that national bank issuances end when
they did. They could have been issued for years, even decades longer. But Coolidge, the scion of
one of the American Revolution’s founding fathers, had a mandate from Morgenthau to revamp
Treasury financing operations, and Coolidge soon turned his sights on the bonds backing national
bank notes. This article will examine the men and motivation behind the end of national bank
notes.
January 1934
The events that led to the March 1935 call for the redemption of the circulation bonds
began 15 months earlier. These were heady times at Treasury. After a tulmultuous economic year
in 1933, a year that witnessed wholesale runs on the nations banks, endured Roosevelt’s bank
holiday, passage of the Emergency Banking Act to salvage the emplosion of the banking system,
C
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
170
and removal of the country from the gold standard, New Year’s Day 1934 began another momentus
year.
On January 1st, Henry Morgenthau Jr. was sworn-in as Secretary of the Treasury,1 replacing
William H. Woodin. Woodin, diagnosed with terminal cancer, resigned on December 31.
Morgenthau had initially joined Treasury on November 17, 1933, as Undersecretary, the
department’s No. 2 official, and was immediately named Acting Secretary while Woodin took a
leave of absence. Roosevelt quickly nominated Morgenthau to be permanent secretary.
Morgethau’s first month was consumed with pressing Congress to pass what became the Gold
Reserve Act of 1934. Morgenthau and Treasury General Counsel Herman Oliphant joined
Roosevelt and other dignitaries in the Oval Office on January 30 as Roosevelt signed that
monumental legislation into law.2
The full title of the bill was “An Act to protect the currency of the United States, to provide
for the better use of the monetary gold stock of the United States, and for other purposes.”3 Among
many provisions, the bill transferred owership of all monetary gold in the United States to the
Treasury, made Federal Reserve notes redeemable in lawful money instead of gold, and established
a stabiliziation fund of $2 billion, made possible by the profit to the Treasury from increasing the
price of gold.4
The stablilization fund would be used to stimulate the economy and combat the drain of
Treasury gold caused by disadvantageous foreign exchange rates. And, as events would later
Figures 1 and 2. Roosevelt’s potent one-two punch at Treasury: Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau
Jr, left, and Undersecretary of the Treasury Thomas Jefferson Coolidge III, right. Morgenthau was Roosevelt’s
Hyde Park neighbor, friend and confidante. Coolidge was a Boston banker who was given broad authority to
manage Treasury financing and investment programs by Morgenthau. Library of Congress photo, right,
International News Photo, left.
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
171
unfold, T. J. Coolidge would propose that a portion of the fund be used to retire national bank
notes.5
Morgenthau and Roosevelt
Morgenthau’s advantage as Treasury Secretary was his close friendship and access to
Roosevelt, often seeing him as many as four times a week.6 He was a longtime neighbor of
Roosevelt in Hyde Park, and held critical positions in Roosevelt’s campaigns for governor of New
York and then president. Before Morgenthau went to Treasury, Roosevelt had originally appointed
him head of the Farm Credit Administration.
Monetarily conservative, Morgenthau favored a balanced budget7 and keeping interest
rates low to stimulate the economy. But like Roosevelt, he recognized that innovation, not bankrupt
dogma, was necessary to break the stranglehold of the Depression.
Morgenthau filled a crucial void. The Federal Reserve was stuck in a Hoover-era mindset
of worrying about inflation. Economist Allan Meltzer observed “The Federal Reserve did next to
nothing to foster the nation’s economic recovery,” adding “Congress and Treasury made the most
important decisions about gold, silver, and banking legislation.8 The [stabilization] fund gave
Treasury a strong hand * * * and it used its power. The Treasury
remained the dominant partner for the next fifteen years.”9
While Morgenthau played an exceptionally large role in
New Deal programs, he ensured he had Roosevelt’s buy-in prior
to implementation,10 either informally or, as in the case of the
Gold Reserve Act11 and much of the silver legislation, formal
approval.12
Morgenthau Assembles his Treasury Team
A farmer by profession, Morgenthau was not a banker or
economist. Upon Morgenthau becoming Secretary, one of his
sisters told her son “I can’t understand why the President
appointed your uncle Henry * * * He knows that Henry knows
nothing about finance.”13
But Morgenthau’s son, Henry III, described why
Roosevelt so highly valued his father: “absolute loyalty with an
uncanny ability to get things done, sometimes in extremely
unorthodox ways, using aides who were themselves idiosyncratic
in their approach to problems.”14 According to his biographer
Herbert Levy, “Morgenthau had an astonishing ability to choose
extremely competent assistants.”15
Morgenthau brought on renowned economist Jacob Viner
of the University of Chicago as a special assistant in the Office of the Secretary. Born in Canada,
Viner moved to the U.S., earned a Ph.D. from Harvard, taught at the University of Chicago from
1925 to 1946, and later at Princeton. He was a proponent of deficit spending and inflating the
currency as a means to combat the Depression.16
Onboard for a brief stay before heading to the Federal Reserve Board was Marriner S.
Eccles, an Ogden, Utah banker.17 Eccles was a fervent supporter of New Deal policies, but clashed
Figure 3. Renowned University of
Chicago economist Jacob Viner
joined Morgenthau’s Treasury
team as an advisor during 1934.
Viner endorsed Coolidge’s
proposals to simplify the currency
system and end the nationals.
Acme News Pictures, Chicago.
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with Morgenthau. According to a later interview with
economist Viner, “The two men grated on each other.”18
Herman Oliphant, Treasury’s General Counsel, came
from the University of Chicago law school and was seen as an
“economic experimenter.”19 The economic and monetary
machinations of the New Deal Treasury required significant
legal analyses and drafting of new regulations, putting
Oliphant in a more visible and influential role than typical
agency counsels.
The newcomers relied heavily on William S.
Broughton, Commissioner of the Public Debt Service.
Broughton was a seasoned Treasury stalwart, deeply versed in
bond issues and currency operations, including national bank
notes. 20
Morgenthau and his senior aides became so
omnipresent in setting New Deal policies that in the diaries of
Federal Reserve Board member Charles Sumner Hamlin, they
were collectively referred to as “the Treasury boys,” 21 a label
also used by Eccles, Comptroller of the Currency J.F.T.
O’Connor, and even the press.22
T. J. Coolidge III
In April 1934, Morgenthau appointed Thomas Jefferson
Coolidge III as special assistant in the Office of the Secretary.23
This was an expedited method of bringing Coolidge onboard.
Morgenthau’s actual intention was to have Coolidge
appointed to fill the No. 2 post of Undersecretary, vacated when
Dean Acheson resigned after clashing with Roosevelt over the
gold confiscation policies.24 Once Roosevelt was comfortable
with the appointment, he formally sent the nomination to the
Senate and Coolidge was quickly confirmed. On May 2, 1934,
Coolidge was sworn in as the Department’s No. 2 official.25
Time Magazine’s May 7, 1934 issue reported that
Coolidge was the type of man Roosevelt was looking for, “a
fiscal advisor who satisfied him and who had no financial
connections that were politically objectionable.”26 Coolidge
went to Harvard and then Harvard Law School, and from there
went into banking.27 One of his undergraduate professors called
Coolidge one of the best mathematics scholars he ever taught.28
Coolidge’s father had founded the Old Colony Trust
Co. in Boston, and Coolidge III followed in his banking
footsteps, becoming vice president of the First National Bank of Boston.29 Coolidge’s fancy name
was authentic. His great-great-great grandfather was Thomas Jefferson, the country’s third
president.30
Figure 4. Herman Oliphant, Treasury
General Counsel. Oliphant was a close
advisor to both Morgenthau and
Coolidge, and often accompanied
Morgenthau on visits to Capitol Hill to
discuss banking legislation. Wide
World Photos.
Figure 5. William S. Broughton,
Commissioner of the Public Debt,
began his Treasury career in 1910 in
the Division of Loans and Currency.
Department of the Treasury photo.
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Coolidge’s appointment raised eyebrows at the Federal Reserve. Board member Eugene
Black described Coolidge as an “extreme conservative” and said that “sooner or later Morgenthau
Figure 6. T. J. Coolidge III is sworn in as Undersecretary of the Treasury, May 2, 1934, as
Secretary Henry Morgenthau Jr., at left, looks on. In addition to developing sweeping
refinancing plans for Treasury’s bond portfolio, Coolidge had early exposure to Treasury’s
currency programs, working with Public Debt Commissioner Broughton to implement the new
and expanded Series of 1934 silver certificate program. Coolidge would soon turn his attention
to national bank notes. International News Photo.
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would sour on [him].”31 Marriner Eccles characterized Coolidge as a “hard boiled banker whose
only wish was to do what the bankers wanted.”32 Hamlin noted in his diary that a senator told him
Coolidge was “put in the Treasury by First National Bank of Boston to act as its watch dog and
dominate Treasury policies.”33
Morgenthau formally defined Coolidge’s authority as his Special Assistant in an internal
Treasury Department order dated April 3, 1934, as follows.34
ORDER OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
Treasury financing, investment of Government funds, and other matters relating directly or
indirectly to financing operations are hereby assigned to the supervision of T. J. Coolidge, Special
Assistant to the Secretary.
Coolidge became a major player in Treasury monetary policy, and he worked directly with
the Federal Reserve Board and the Open Market Committee, frequently attending the Federal
Reserve board meetings where he discussed public debt refinancing plans. Notably absent,
however, from the Federal Reserve meeting minutes in 1934 and 1935 are discussions about
calling the circulation bonds that backed national bank notes.35
Throughout 1934, Coolidge crafted plans to lower government borrowing costs by calling
the higher interest bonds. The interest savings would help fund other New Deal recovery programs.
Coolidge was successful. By June 30, 1935, Treasury saved over $93 million in annual interest
costs despite an increase of over $1 billion in new debt.36
As Coolidge pursued public debt restructuring, his attention was drawn to legal tender
currency, which was circulating debt, and national currency, which was founded on it. Of particular
interest were the circulation bonds that backed national currency.
Figure 7. Excerpt from a 1908 Treasury Department circular offering 2 per cent Panama Canal
Bonds. Although the face of the bonds did not say they carried the circulation privilege, their
interest terms made them eligible. The third to the last sentence in the circular states the bonds
“will be available to national banks as security for circulating notes upon the same terms as the 2
per cent consols of 1930.” Herbstman Memorial Collection of American Finance photo.
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The Circulation Privilege
In order to receive national bank notes, bankers were required to purchase government
bonds and deposit them with the Treasurer. Not just any government bonds, only bonds that had
been accorded the “circulation privilege” by Congress.37 See Figure 7. Bankers bought the
Treasury bonds and received national bank notes equal to the par value of the bonds.
In early 1911, to prevent what it feared would be an uncontrolled expansion of inflationary
national currency as bond issues grew, Congress began statutorily denying new bond programs
from enjoying the circulation privilege.38 See Figure 8. Coolidge saw opportunity to go further.
December 24, 1934
On Christmas Eve, Coolidge drafted this memorandum for Morgenthau’s consideration: 39
December 24, 1934
Memorandum re: Currency.
I am of the opinion that a great step forward in our banking system would be achieved if we
could do away with the forms of paper currency now outstanding. These consist of two:
United States Notes amounting to …………… $346,000,000
National Bank notes amounting to …………… $674,000,000
Total ………………………………………….. $1,020,000,000
* * *
Should this currency be retired it would automatically be replaced by Federal Reserve Notes
and it would be appropriate to give the Federal Reserve banks gold certificates to the amount of
the retired Notes as their earning assets would by this method be unchanged.
I am, therefore, suggesting * * * that the circulation bonds be called and retired by the
Treasury, the Treasury obtaining its funds by the sale to the Stabilization Fund of an appropriate
note.
I recognize that the profit in the gold devaluation should only be used for a very special
purpose. It seems that the retirement of this paper should be such a purpose, all of which
represents retirement of national debt. There can, I believe, be no good argument put up as to the
need under present conditions of this paper currency, although such was advisable when our gold
reserves were insufficient for our needs and when we had no Federal Reserve Bank system to
give elasticity to our currency.
Figure 8. This 3 percent Panama Canal Bond of 1911 is an issue that was ineligible to back
national bank notes. Congress, fearing over-expansion of national bank notes, began to prohibit
new bond issues from carrying the circulation privilege. The last line of the terms on the face
states “This bond shall not be receivable by the Treasury of the United States as security for
the issue of circulating notes to national banks.” Herbstman Memorial Collection of American
Finance photo.
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Earlier Efforts to Eliminate Nationals
The desire to get rid of nationals did not originate with Coolidge. Politicians, economists
and others had advocated for an end of national bank notes for years. Periodic suggestions to
eliminate them appeared in the financial press.40 Inside Treasury, the dislike of national currency
was so pervasive, the wonder is not that national bank notes were killed off in 1935, it was why
did it take so long?
The Panics of 1893 and 1907 laid bare the inherent weaknesses of national bank currency.
It was inelastic; that is, it was unresponsive to the needs and cycles of business and commerce.
When the economy needed an infusion of cash, the moribund nationals, rigidly fixed in volume by
the capitalization of the national banks, could not respond.
Attempts to add elasticity to national currency took the form of the 1907 Aldrich-Vreeland
Act that provided for the temporary deposit of securities other than circulation bonds and 1932
Federal Home Loan Bank legislation that granted a 3-year circulation privilege to higher interest
Treasury bonds in order to encourage bankers to subscribe for more national bank notes. Both
were temporary fixes targeting specific transient economic ills, and both required specific
Congressional intervention. Neither were the nimble fare of a true elastic currency.
In 1912, Congress considered House bill H.R. 26115, a move to issue a generic or
“uniform” national currency design without bank names.41 The bill would free the Bureau of
Engraving and Printing from the burden of preparing thousands of individual bank plates and save
banks the cost of the plates, but it went nowhere as attention turned to what would become the
Federal Reserve Act. A similar idea surfaced again in 1921 in Senate bill S. 1833.42 Asked for his
position on the Senate bill, then-Treasury Secretary Andrew W. Mellon recommended against it.43
Mellon had no interest in substituting one form of national currency with another. He told
George F. McLean (R-CT), Chairman of the Senate Committee on Banking and Currency, that
Federal Reserve notes were preferable, adding that Congress had repeatedly expressed its
agreement that national currency should be eliminated. Mellon cited the Congressional
withholding of the circulation privilege from new bonds since 1911; the Federal Reserve Act
provisions to replace nationals with Federal Reserve notes; and the repeal of the requirement for
national banks to issue circulation.44 Mellon went so far as telling McLean, that “I think it may be
said that this [eliminating national currency] has become a definite policy of the government, and
so far as I am aware, it has not been brought in question by any responsible person.”45
When Treasury’s James H. Moyle, Assistant to the Secretary, asked in 1938 for
background on the demise of nationals, Commissioner of the Public Debt William Broughton
provided this retrospective.46
The inadequacy of the currency system of the United States had been under discussion and
investigation for many years. A great and much needed reform was brought about with the
enactment of the Federal Reserve Act, approved December 23, 1913, when provision was made
for an elastic currency – Federal Reserve notes. That Act also provided a means for the gradual
retirement of the rigid bond-secured circulation of National banks. A start in the retirement of the
circulation was made, but it was interrupted by the war [World War I] and was never resumed
under the Federal Reserve Act.
Actually, in late 1924 Mellon made a concerted effort to begin the retirement of national bank
notes when he announced that the Loan of 1925 bonds would be called on February 1, 1925. This
action removed $76 million in nationals from circulation, representing approximately 8 percent of
the total.47 No replacement bonds were granted the circulation privilege so Mellon’s action simply
took a big bite out of the national bank note circulation.
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Mellon presented his Program for Retiring National Bank Note Circulation in his 1924
Treasury annual report, explaining that his call of the Loan of 1925 bonds was the first step in what
ultimately would be the retirement of all bonds with the circulation privilege.48
He pointed out that national currency had failed to serve the growing needs of the country
and their lack of elasticity had become a source of real danger.49 He added that nationals were
“unscientific and of a more sentimental than material value to the issuing banks.”50
But complications ensued. In December 1924, the Federal Reserve Board endorsed the
gradual retirement of nationals, and commended Treasury’s call of the $76 million Loan of 1925
bonds. However, the Board went on to say that before any additional steps were taken towards
further retirement of national currency, changes to the National Bank Act should be made to make
national banks more competitive with state banks.51
Mellon’s plans stagnated. He didn’t doubt that he had the legal authority to call the
circulation bonds as demonstrated by his call of the Loan of 1925, and he felt Congress had already
expressed its views years before. Nonetheless, caution set in and he decided the complete
elimination of national bank notes was a question of government policy.52 Accordingly, in
Mellon’s annual report for 1928, he indicated he would submit the question to Congress.53
Mellon’s intentions were derailed. Two significant analyses written in the winter of 1928-
1929, one by the Federal Reserve and one by Treasury, came to the same stark conclusion: the
government simply did not have the money to retire the nationals.
At the Federal Reserve, on December 20, 1928, Dr. Emanuel A. Goldenweiser, Director of
the Division of Research and Statistics, sent a memorandum to Roy A. Young, chair of the Board
of Governors, titled “Effect on gold reserves of retirement of national bank notes.”54
Goldenweiser’s expertise was bank reserves and the international flow of gold.55
Figure 9. The Aldrich-Vreeland Act of 1908 attempted to introduce some elasticity to national currency by
allowing for the temporary deposit of certain non-Federal bonds and commercial paper that could be used to
secure additional bank circulation. National bank note plates made during the 1908-1915 life of the act were
distinguished by addition of “or other securities” to the securities clause on the face and prominent dates on
the back. Heritage Auctions Archive photo.
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Retiring nationals would require the Federal Reserve
banks to hold additional collateral, either gold or eligible paper,
against the new Federal Reserve notes issued in replacement.
Goldenweiser said that this would cause “a useless reduction
of our available gold by the full amount of the retired notes,
that is, about $675,000,000,” or, as his staff explained in an
accompanying memorandum, require increased borrowing by
member banks to obtain the needed collateral.56
The staff researchers concluded “an obvious alternative
is to retain the national bank note circulation, which neither ties
up gold nor necessitates as cover so-called eligible paper.”
Goldenweiser suggested the problem could be obviated by
amending the Federal Reserve Act to allow Treasury securities
to be held as collateral for Federal Reserve notes up to the
amount of the nationals retired.57 Young distributed
Goldenweiser’s memo to the Board, including Mellon.58 The
suggestion to amend the Federal Reserve Act collateral
requirement was not pursued.
The next month, then-Undersecretary of the Treasury
Ogden L. Mills wrote
Mellon on January 17,
1929, to say Treasury needed to delay plans to eliminate the
nationals.59
Mills agreed that the longstanding concern over the
lack of elasticity was justified, but the need to eliminate the
nationals was less urgent than before. He explained that when
the Federal Reserve Act was passed, national bank notes
were one-fifth of the currency in circulation but now they
were only one-eighth. He noted “the inelasticity of the
National Bank note is to-day relatively unimportant, since
other forms of currency provide all the elasticity
necessary.”60
Mills also explained that when Mellon submitted his
1924 plan to eliminate nationals, the U.S. had significant gold
reserves, but now major exports of gold to other countries
had “brought us nearer to the time when our gold reserves
will be so close to the minima that they will be a determining
factor in bank policy.” Like Goldenweiser, Mills said that
retiring nationals would draw down the gold reserves by
$675 million.61 The alternative would be increased
borrowing by Federal Reserve member banks to obtain the
necessary collateral for new Federal Reserve notes, a move
Mills felt imprudent.
Mills concluded “it would seem unwise for the Treasury Department to definitely commit
itself to a program looking to the retirement of the National Bank notes in the immediate future.”62
Figure 10. Treasury Secretary Andrew
Mellon’s 1924 program to gradually
replace national bank notes stalled in
1929. Library of Congress photo.
Figure 11. In January 1929, Ogden L.
Mills, Undersecretary of the Treasury
to Andrew Mellon, warned Mellon that
eliminating nationals would threaten
Treasury’s gold reserves. Library of
Congress photo.
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Treasury and the Federal Reserve, for the same essential reasons, each decided it was a
poor time to retire the nationals.
Four days later, Mellon sent a letter to the Speaker of the House and President of the Senate
saying “I have concluded that it would be inadvisable to submit to Congress at this time a program
looking to early retirement of our national-bank note circulation”63 Instead, he advised that small-
sized national bank notes would be forthcoming.64 Mellon’s letter to Congress did not go into
detail on what changed his mind.
Coolidge’s Proposal
Six years after Mellon’s efforts fizzled, T.J. Coolidge was ready to try again. Coolidge was
thinking big with his Currency memorandum suggesting the end to not only national bank notes,
but also legal tenders.
Coolidge gave the memo to Treasury General Counsel Herman Oliphant for his views over
the holidays. Oliphant shared the memo with economist Viner.65 Viner had recently returned to
the University of Chicago, but remained closely tethered to his Treasury friends.
Viner replied on January 2, “I, of course, approve in principle of clearing up the paper
currency situation and reducing the types of currency to as small a number as possible.”66 Viner
cautioned that attempting any legislation at the time may not be politically expedient, and said the
desirability of withdrawing the national bank notes may be questioned since they guaranteed an
outlet for the circulation bonds.67 Viner did not specify what part of Coolidge’s plan he thought
would need legislation, but we can infer it was the elimination of legal tender notes.
Oliphant wrote Coolidge on January 4, saying he had taken the liberty to share Coolidge’s
December 24 memo with Viner. Oliphant added his own caution that “I have the general feeling
that the pressure for monetary experiments will be so great during the present session [of Congress]
that we should not do anything to open the issue on the floor of either house, except to meet a
really substantial need.”68
Coolidge spent the rest of January ruminating on his plans, both for the currency and his
broad refinancing plans. He wrote Morgenthau again on February 8, 1935. In a memorandum
entitled “March Financing” Coolidge wrote the following. 69
I have given some more thought to the March financing and want to revise my previous
memorandum. The scheme I contemplate I feel is rather ingenious for our orderly refinancing of
the five billion Liberties into 3 percent Treasurys. * * * The question of redemption of the consols
would be taken up either at the time of this financing or taken up on April 1st, which I think would
be preferable. This memorandum is as the last, intended to be merely as thoughts–not a
recommendation–but the idea pleases me.
Coolidge forwarded the memo on to Broughton with a cover note saying “Please
read this and then come and comment to me. TJC.”70
We know Broughton replied because he penned a handwritten note in the margin of
Coolidge’s memo reminding him that the “Temporary circulation privilege expires in July,” a
reference to the Federal Home Loan Bank bonds whose 3-year circulation privilege period would
end on July 22.71
The progression in Coolidge’s thinking is evident. He abandoned his idea to eliminate
United States notes, because that definitely would have required Congressional action and stirred
up controversy as Viner and Oliphant predicted. But he held fast to his idea to eliminate the
nationals, and, unlike Mellon in 1928, took the position that Treasury should proceed without
seeking further Congressional approval. The basic legal issue over involving Congress turned on
the protocol that when Congress passes legislation, the ordinary interpretation is that what
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Congress grants, only Congress can take away unless it provides someone else with the authority
to do so.
When they were issued, the terms of the 2 percent Consols stated they were “redeemable
at the pleasure of the United States after the first day of April, 1930.” The Panama Canal bonds of
1916-36 had been callable since August 1, 1916, and the Panamas of 1918-38 had been callable
since November 1, 1918.72 Unquestionably, the circulation bonds were subject to call, the only
ambiguity being who had the authority “of the United States” to actually call them?
Those with a congressional-centric perspective would argue Congress would need to enact
new legislation to explicitly allow Treasury to call the bonds because the bond call would entirely
eliminate a congressionally authorized program.
But Coolidge believed Congress already had made its intentions clear through the Federal
Reserve Act73, plus he was well aware of the arguments Mellon initially cited years before.
Coolidge was satisfied Congress had spoken and that the decision to call the bonds and eliminate
national currency was now in the hands of the executive branch. Plus, he and Morgenthau knew
when Mellon called the Loan of 1925 as a prelude to retiring all national currency, no major
Congressional objection had materialized.
Coolidge thus provided Morgenthau with both a legal framework for calling the bonds and
the rational for not raising the matter to Congress.
Internal Treasury memoranda reveal that some staff attorneys expressed doubt in 1937
regarding successfully defending Morgenthau’s action without explicit authority from Congress if
the call was challenged in the courts.74 However, if doubts were raised in early 1935, Coolidge’s
views prevailed.
The January 29, 1935 Senate Hearing
Morgenthau and Coolidge were closed-mouthed about their plans. On January 29, 1935,
the Treasury boys testified before the Senate Committee on Finance regarding the Second Liberty
Figure 12. It took six years after the Panic of 1907 for Congress to pass the Federal Reserve
Act, providing for a central banking function and fully elastic currency. The first Federal
Reserve notes were the Series of 1914. The notes were intended to replace national bank
notes, but most national bankers at the time were reluctant to give up their circulations.
Heritage Auctions Archive photo.
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Bonds and related bond refinancing plans. Appearing for Treasury were the big guns: Morgenthau,
Coolidge, Daniel Bell (acting budget director), and Broughton. Morgenthau and Coolidge
explained how Treasury required additional statutory authority to enable it to remedy a quirk in
the original Liberty Loan law. Under then-current rules, Treasury could call the 4-¼ percent
Liberty loans for redemption but were limited in issuing replacements, thus defeating the effort to
refinance the debt into lower interest bonds.75 Congress remedied the problem by providing $25
billion in revolving issue authority in new legislation passed six days later.76
The hearing was remarkable for two reasons. First, Senator David Walsh (D-MA) asked
Morgenthau if he needed any new authority to assist with refinancing Treasury notes and
certificates [as distinguished from the new bond authority being sought]. Morgenthau replied “Mr.
Coolidge says we have that authority now in notes and certificates.”77 Walsh did not press the
point, but the exchange is revealing. Clearly Morgenthau and Coolidge didn’t want to invite
discussion into areas where they believed they already had authority.
Next, the subject of bonds bearing the circulation privilege came up. Senator James
Couzens (R-MI) asked Coolidge “What is the amount of outstanding Government securities that
are eligible for securing [national] currency?” Coolidge replied “There are about $800,000,000 of
the old 2-perecent consols and Panama bonds,” adding that there was another group of [Federal
Home Loan Bank] bonds with a temporary circulation privilege that would expire in July.
Figure 13. Excerpt from a one page circular from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York dated March 11,
1935, announcing Treasury Secretary Morgenthau’s call of the 2 percent Consols and the Panama Canal
Bonds of 1916-36 and 1918-38. No direct mention was made about national bank notes, merely the bland
statement “These bonds bear the circulation privilege.” fraser.stlouisfed.org
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Morgenthau clarified that the July expiration pertained to the temporary circulation
privilege bonds, not the consols. Couzens asked Morgenthau if he was asking to extend the life of
the temporary Federal Home Loan Bank circulation authority, and Morgenthau replied “no.”
Couzens asked “Do you intend to let it expire? Morgenthau: “Yes, sir.”78
Neither Morgenthau nor Coolidge volunteered that they had been discussing for more than
a month a plan to call all the circulation bonds and completely end national currency. Established
executive branch protocol dictated that Morgenthau not discuss Treasury plans with Congress
before conferring with President Roosevelt, so this could possibly explain Morgenthau’s silence.
But it is more likely he had already secured Roosevelt’s tacit approval and that the silence at the
hearing was additional indication that Morgenthau and Coolidge saw the bond call as a Treasury
decision.
Similarly, when Coolidge attended the Federal Reserve Board meeting on March 4th, the
minutes show he made no mention that Treasury was days away from calling the Consols and
Panama Canal bonds.
Ten days after the Senate hearing, Coolidge proposed they move ahead and call the
circulation bonds.79 Morgenthau agreed, and he didn’t wait until April.
The Final Call
The end of national bank notes was publicly set in motion on Saturday, March 9, 1935, one
month after Coolidge’s March Financing memo to Morgenthau.
Treasury officials briefed the press corps that Morgenthau would formally announce on
March 11 that holders of 2 percent Consols were to surrender their bonds by July 1, 1935. On that
date all interest would cease on the bonds, and with the cessation of interest, the circulation
privilege would end. Similarly, holders of Panama Canal bonds were notified to surrender their
bonds by August 1, 1935. The press materials were timed so that the story would be widely
reported in Monday morning’s newspapers.80
National Bank notes were supported by a three-legged stool of circulation bonds: 2 percent
Consols, 2 percent Panama Canal Bonds, and higher interest Federal Home Loan Bank bonds with
the temporary three-year circulation privilege. The Consols and Panama Canal bonds could have
lasted for years longer but Morgenthau’s March 11 call knocked out those two legs. The Federal
Home Loan Bank bonds were statutorily losing their circulation privilege on July 22, 1935,
knocking out the third leg. National bank notes were finished on August 1.
Figure 14. A First-Mechanics National Bank of Trenton note with signature of
bank president Edward C. Stokes. After Treasury announced its bond call,
banker Stokes wrote Comptroller the Currency J.F.T. O’Connor lamenting
Treasury’s decision. Heritage Auctions Archive photo.
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The Bureau of Engraving and Printing didn’t wait. A journal kept by a press room official
has this entry: “March 11, 1935. The printing of National Bank Currency Ser. 1929 was suddenly
stopped about 11 A.M. Orders on presses were not finished.” The last of the finished sheets were
numbered and sealed, and delivered to the Comptroller of the Currency on May 20, 1935.81
Morgenthau Reassures the Public
In Treasury’s press release on March 9, Morgenthau explained the why and how of retiring
the circulation bonds. 82
[Redemption would] accomplish a simplification of the currency system through the
elimination of national bank notes, an action contemplated at the time of the Federal
Reserve Act. * * * National bank notes will be retired as rapidly as they are presented to
the Treasury. It is expected that the great majority will be cancelled within a year. This
will leave as permanent circulation Federal Reserve notes, silver certificates, and United
States notes. Additional Federal Reserve notes will be issued to replace the national bank
notes as they are retired, and as demand arises. * * * In retiring these bonds, Treasury
will make use of the free gold resulting from the reduction in the weight of the gold
dollar.
Figure 15. Roughly a month after the bond call, Treasury Secretary Morgenthau went on the radio to talk
about the Treasury’s bond refinancing plans. In his address, he reassured the public that the withdrawal
of national bank notes was part of an orderly plan to gradually replace national bank notes with Federal
Reserve notes. Morgenthau, like FDR, made use of the radio to communicate directly with the public about
New Deal programs. Library of Congress photo.
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On April 14th Morgenthau went on national radio to talk about Treasury’s efforts to combat
the Depression. While his main topic was refinancing the fourth Liberty Loan bonds, he also told
listeners that “In July and August we know that we are going to retire $674,000,000 of interest-
bearing Government securities. These are the Panama Canal bonds and United States consols that
have already been called for redemption. The cash for that transaction is now in the Treasury.”83
The kicker of Morgenthau’s message about calling the Liberty bonds was this: “We did
not have to call them; they were not due; it was good business sense that prompted our action.”84
The same rationale motivated his action on the circulation bonds.
Public and Press Reaction
The call of the bonds and ending of national bank circulation caused no great Congressional
outcry. Banker and public comments were generally restrained.
Treasury had initial reason to be wary. Back in January 1929, The United States Banker
magazine reported that in a survey of 4,287 national banks, conducted by A.S. Pratt & Sons, the
longtime publisher of Pratt’s Digest of National Banking Laws, 3,813 banks (89 percent) urged
continuation of national bank notes, 138 banks (3 percent) replied that they were opposed to
nationals, and 336 banks (8 percent) replied they were indifferent.85
But times had changed by 1935. The Great Depression and the banking crisis had taken
their toll. More than 3,000 national banks had failed and national bank notes, despite their
advertising benefits, were not a hill for most banks to die on any longer.
One banker with concerns was Edward C. Stokes, President, First-Mechanics National
Bank, Trenton, New Jersey. Stokes gently wrote to Comptroller of the Currency J.F.T. “Jefty”
O’Connor the day after Morgenthau’s bond call and said “I was very surprised yesterday to learn
of the action of the government to take from national banks the circulation privilege which has
been for so long a part of their function. I presume that nothing can be done to change this
determination and it has probably been irrevocably decided upon. I do feel, however, that this is a
hardship upon the national banks and might well be postponed.”86 O’Connor’s short reply to
Figure 16. This is the bond record in the final Comptroller of the Currency National
Currency and Bond Ledgers for Mount Olive National Bank, Mount Olive, IL, charter
14285. The late-chartering bank deposited its modest $25,000 in 2% Consols on February
23, 1935 (see ledger top left). The bank was sent its total circulation between February 23
and March 6, consisting entirely of $100 Type 2 notes. A bare 5 days after its last shipment,
Treasury called the bonds. This is an example of a bank that didn’t wait for the final July
1 call date and surrendered its bonds early. The bonds were withdrawn April 6 (see top
right), and Treasury deposited lawful money (labeled “LMN” for “lawful money new
series”) to liquidate the bank’s liability for its Series 1929 notes. The $50,000 entries at
bottom are closeout reconciling entries by the Comptroller’s clerks.
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Stokes said his sentiments had been noted, and “Inasmuch as this action was taken by the Secretary
of the Treasury, I am this day forwarding him a copy of your letter for his information and
consideration.”87 This was Treasury’s bond call, and O’Connor, who was insulated from the
decision by Morgenthau, did not want to be caught in the crossfire.
The New York Times ran a lengthy article on March 12, 1935 on the bond call, explaining
how the move to Federal Reserve notes would expand Treasury’s currency base vs. the national
bank notes being withdrawn.88 Tellingly, the story also said that “Although Congress granted to
national banks the right to issue notes and the action of the Treasury will lead to the elimination
of such notes, Mr. Coolidge held that Treasury had the right to call in the consols and the canal
bonds.”89 Coolidge was not hiding from his position on the matter.
The same article also stated “Note Retirement Long Planned,” and that the current
administration’s monetary trend was for “limiting the classes of currency to Federal Reserve notes,
silver certificates, and United States notes.90
Five days after the bond call, New York’s Financial Chronicle opined on March 16, 1935,
that “The actions of the Treasury for the retirement of pre-war obligations, now pledged to secure
national bank notes, and the concomitant retirement of these [notes] have attracted rather wide
attention, probably wider than they deserve.”91 The conservative Chronicle writers were more
concerned with “government excesses” than saving national currency.
A New York Times headline for March 17, 1935, said “End of Bank Notes Meets No
Dissent, Sound Money Advocates as Well as Inflationists Hail Administration Move” and
“Economists Urged Plan.”92 The opening paragraph was the following. 93
Elimination of national bank notes from the currency system through the retirement of bonds on
which circulation may be based, which was announced last week by the Treasury, will involve,
as between Treasury and the national banks issuing the notes, little more than a bookkeeping
operation. As concerns the public, the change will involve merely the imperceptible
disappearance from circulation of national bank notes over a long period of time and the equally
gradual substitution of Federal Reserve notes.
The article concluded “A striking feature of the plan to retire national bank notes was that
it apparently pleased all shades of monetary opinion–something, it is believed, that has been
accomplished by no other monetary measure taken up by the administration.”94
The national banks got onboard, and the July 1935 issue of the Federal Reserve Bulletin
reported that between the March 11 bond call and June 29, national banks had deposited
approximately $410 million into the Treasury for their outstanding circulations ahead of the
deadlines, thus transferring liability for the notes to the Treasury Department.95 The Bulletin also
noted that over $90 million in unfit nationals had already been culled from circulation and returned
to the Treasury.96
The Bulletin took pains to note that “Elimination of national-bank notes from the
circulating medium of the country is being carried out by a method which will result in a minimum
of disturbance to the money market.”97
Elimination of national bank notes was not entirely free of discord. Dozens of protests from
banks were filed with Treasury and in the courts, but the protests, except one, didn’t challenge the
right of the Secretary to call the bonds or end nationals. Rather, the national banks were challenging
the fact they were not being paid in gold per the terms in force when they purchased the bonds.98
Treasury would come out on top on the gold protests at the Supreme Court.
The officers of one national bank, the Lincoln National Bank of Newark, New Jersey,
Charter 12570, did challenge Morgenthau’s authority to call the bonds rather than Congress. The
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bankers refused to surrender their 2 percent Consol bonds totaling $600,000.99 They fought for
two and a half years but Treasury finally redeemed their bonds on December 31, 1937.100
For the average Joe suffering through the Great Depression, ending nationals was not a
controversy. It was more important to have a $5 bill in his pocket, any $5 bill, than worrying about
the legal basis behind its issue.
Closeout Logistics
As the final bond redemption dates neared, Coolidge wrote the Federal Reserve banks on
May 17, 1935, advising that no new national bank notes would be issued after June 1 except in
special circumstances. The banks were to continue to cancel and send unfit (worn-out) nationals
to the Treasurer for sorting to the bank of issue for proper redemption.101
Regarding fit nationals, the banks were given discretion to place them back into circulation
or hold them in their vault cash until August 1 when further instructions would be forthcoming.102
Broughton advised Coolidge that the Federal Reserve banks were holding more than adequate
supplies of other classes of currency, so holding national bank notes back from circulation would
not be an imposition on most banks.103
On July 24, Coolidge provided the further instructions, saying that as of August 1 all
national bank notes held or thereafter received by Federal Reserve banks were to be canceled and
sent to Treasury for redemption.104 Treasury would assume all liability for the outstanding notes
except for the disputed $600,000 circulation of the Lincoln National Bank of Newark,105 and
therefore the Treasurer’s office would discontinue sorting nationals by bank. The redeemed notes
would be charged to a single merged retirement account at Treasury.106 Coolidge carefully
included the Federal Reserve Board, the Treasurer, and the Comptroller of the Currency on the
instructions.107
Banks that had already deposited lawful money to clear the liability for their nationals in
circulation were paid in full for their redeemed bonds. See Figure 16. The Treasurer’s office
advised other banks that they could offset their outstanding national currency against their
redeemed bonds, meaning a bank with $100,000 in Consols and $60,000 in outstanding nationals
would receive a bond closeout check from the Treasurer for $40,000.108
There were $769 million in national bank notes in circulation on June 30, 1935. Five years
later, 78.3% of them had been redeemed and destroyed.109
Figure 17. An amazing survivor – the last national bank note sent to a bank.
Regular shipments of nationals from the Comptroller of the Currency’s Issue
Division ceased May 31, 1935. However, a clerical error in the Comptroller’s
office caused this bank’s circulation to be shorted $50,000. When the error was
discovered, the Comptroller sent $50,000 to the bank on July 13, 1935, with
this note bearing the highest serial number in the shipment. Jesse Lipka photo.
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Why Treasury Succeeded in 1935 When Earlier Efforts Failed
While this article reveals the role T. J. Coolidge III played in developing the legal rationale
and seizing the moment to end national currency, the lasting question is not who ended national
bank notes, but what made it possible for Morgenthau and Coolidge to succeed in 1935 when prior
efforts failed?
The Great Depression and the 1933 banking crisis enabled Roosevelt and Morgenthau to
make monetary reforms that would have been a bridge too far for Herbert Hoover and Andrew
Mellon. In this case, Roosevelt, Morgenthau, and Coolidge followed the old adage “never let a
good crisis go to waste.”
With the benefit of a desperate and therefore largely compliant Congress, even if many
members lacked New Deal enthusiasm, Roosevelt broke down policy and legislative barriers
starting with the bank holiday in March 1933. Instead of biding time and hoping the Depression
would heal itself as had Hoover, Roosevelt launched Treasury into action with monetary measures
of a scale and tenor never seen before.
If Andrew Mellon had unilaterally eliminated nationals in the late 1920’s, it would have
been the center of attention, helping explain his decision in 1928 to seek Congress’s view as a
matter of policy. But for Morgenthau in 1935, in the whirlwind of other New Deal programs,
eliminating national currency was just another piece of a bigger plan.
What finally tipped the scales in favor of eliminating
national bank notes was the addition to the Treasury boys team
of “hard boiled banker” T.J. Coolidge. He was driven, without
the innate caution of the Washington bureaucracy.
Coolidge’s central role in ending national currency had
three major dimensions. First, his Christmas Eve 1934 memo to
Morgenthau revived the long-dormant idea to call the
circulation bonds. Second, he made the case that eliminating
national currency was an operational decision for Treasury to
make, not a policy decision for Congress. Third, he was the one
who proposed using the stabilization fund to pay for the plan.
The fundamental reason Treasury succeeded in retiring
the nationals in 1935 after backing off in 1929 was that
revaluing gold in 1934 gave Treasury a $2 billion windfall. This
profit went into the stabilization fund created by the Gold
Reserve Act, and allowed Treasury to pay-off the $675 million
liability for the retired nationals without draining its gold
reserves or stirring up a hornet’s nest of banker and
Congressional opposition. Coolidge had solved the problem that
had vexed Mellon, Mills and Goldenweiser in 1929.
Coolidge announced on January 17, 1936 that he was
resigning from Treasury to return to banking. Morgenthau
issued a press release publicly thanking “Jeff” for his two years
as Undersecretary and for his “conscientious and loyal help in
the many difficult problems” they faced together.110 Roosevelt
also sent Coolidge a kind farewell letter thanking him for his loyal and able service.111 Coolidge’s
last day at Treasury was February 15, 1936.112
Figure 18. Charles Sumner Hamlin
was the first Governor (now called
Chair) of the Federal Reserve
Board, and remained on the Board
until February 1936. Hamlin’s
extensive diaries, available from the
Library of Congress, provided
candid insight to the actions of
Morgenthau, Coolidge, and other
“Treasury boys.” Library of
Congress photo.
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Perspectives
This article explains how Morgenthau and Coolidge went about ending national bank
currency, and why they were able to succeed. But there is one final question to answer–why did
they want to? No one else was clamoring to end national bank notes at the moment. It wasn’t a
campaign promise of Roosevelt’s. Morgenthau didn’t have them in his sights when he took over
as Secretary. Neither Congress nor the banks were complaining about nationals at the time.
Coolidge’s main focus was replacing Treasury’s high interest bond programs, but he also
went after the 2 percent Consols and 2 percent Panama Canal circulation bonds, bonds already at
low interest rates. The answer to this seeming inconsistency is that Coolidge went after them not
because they were an interest rate problem, but because they were the foundation for national
currency.
Coolidge had a conservative’s fundamental dislike for national currency because it was
circulating public debt, just like the legal tender greenbacks. That is why Coolidge originally
proposed to Morgenthau to kill off both the legal tenders and the national bank notes together.
Ending nationals would lower the national debt. Coolidge was already refinancing
Treasury’s other bond programs through massive redemption calls, so folding the Consols and the
Panama Canal circulation bonds into the calls made sense. Career Treasury officials would not
buck the plan because nationals had been an operational headache since their inception.
The great paradox of the Treasury Department in the years 1933 through 1936 is that in
the throes of the Great Depression, some of the most radical monetary changes in the nation’s
history were accomplished by two avowed financial conservatives. It was not until 1938 that
Roosevelt, seeing early New Deal recovery efforts dissipate and a new recession underway, more
aggressively moved his administration to deficit spending to keep the economy from stalling again,
a move that caused Morgenthau discomfort.113
By that time Coolidge had returned to private sector banking. Morgenthau did not sour on
him, despite the prediction of Federal Reserve member Eugene Black, and despite Time Magazine
saying Morgenthau went through “enough former Under Secretaries of the Treasury to start a
lodge.”114
Roosevelt did not sour on Morgenthau, but it is likely Roosevelt later cooled on Coolidge.
In September 1940, when Roosevelt was running for his third term, Coolidge testified before the
Senate Judiciary Committee, criticizing the accumulation of executive power in one man for so
long and urging adoption of a Constitutional amendment that would limit presidents to one six-
year term.115 Coolidge was a conservative to the end.
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Endnotes
1 https://home.treasury.gov/about/history/prior-secretaries/henry-morgenthau-jr-1934-1945
2 https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/gold-reserve-act
3 Public Law 73-87, 73rd Congress, H.R. 6976, January 30, 1934.
4 Gary Richardson, A. Komai, and M. Gou, Essay “Gold Reserve Act of 1934,” 2022 via https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/gold-reserve-act
5 T.J. Coolidge III, Undersecretary of the Treasury, memorandum to Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau titled “Currency,” December 24, 1934. Records of the
Bureau of the Public Debt, RG 53, U.S National Archives, College Park, MD.
6 Levy, p. 246.
7 https://www.federalreservehistory.org/people/henry-morgenthau-jr
8 Meltzer, p. 415.
9 Ibid, p.459.
10 Levy, pp. 274-275.
11 Public Law 73-87, 73rd Congress, H.R. 6976, January 30, 1934. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
12 Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the State of the Finances for the Fiscal Year Ending June 30, 1935, pp. 256-264. Hereafter, Treasury Department
Annual Report.
13 Time Magazine, July 25, 1943, p. 19.
14 Levy, pp. 265-6.
15 Ibid, p. 266.
16 https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Jacob_Viner
17 https://www.federalreservehistory.org/people/marriner-s-eccles
18 Committee on the History of the Federal Reserve System, Interview with Professor Jacob Viner, Professor of Economics at Princeton University, Entry 167, Box 2,
Folder 2, Item 21, March 17, 1954. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
19 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herman_Oliphant
20 Jeffery A. Cantor and Donald R. Stabile, A History of the Bureau of the Public Debt, January 1990, pp. 213-15.
21 Hamlin was the first Chair (called “Governor” at the time) of the Federal Reserve Board. He served in that role from August 10, 1914 to August 9, 1916, then
remained on the board until February 3, 1936. He died in 1938. His extensive papers and diaries are held by the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
Charles S. Hamlin papers via https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
22 Hamlin diaries, Index-Digest, Box 40, Vol. 26, January-October 1, 1935, various attributions throughout.
23 U.S. Treasury Department, Official Record, Records Administration Section, Office of Administrative Services. Personnel file T. J. Coolidge, Special Assistant to
the Secretary. General Records of the Department of the Treasury, RG 56, U.S National Archives, College Park, MD.
24 Time Magazine, May 7, 1934.
25 Treasury Department Annual Report, June 30, 1934, p. XIII.
26 Time Magazine, May 7, 1934.
27 Ibid.
28 Massachusetts Historical Society, Frederick J. Bradlee, Third Series, Vol. 72 (October 1957-December 1960) pp.373-378, courtesy of JSTOR
https://www.jstor.org/stable 25080531.
29 Time Magazine, May 7, 1934.
30 Ibid.
31 Hamlin Diaries, Index-Digest, Box 39, Vol. 25, May 1-December 31, 1934, attributed to Federal Reserve governor Eugene R. Black, entry of June 24, 1934, p. 7.
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
32 Hamlin Diaries, Index-Digest, Box 40, Vol. 26, January-October 1, 1935, attributed to Federal Reserve governor Marriner Eccles, May 1, 1935, p. 19.
33 Hamlin Diaries, Index-Digest, Box 39, Vol. 25, May 1-December 31, 1934, attributed to Senator Marcus A. Coolidge (D-MA) (no relation to T. J. Coolidge), entry
of August 18, 1934, p. 45.
34 U.S. Treasury Department, Records Administration Section, Office of Administrative Services, personnel file T. J. Coolidge, Treasury Department Orders,
Assignment of Bureaus and Offices. April 3, 1934. General Records of the Department of the Treasury, RG 56. U.S National Archives, College Park, MD.
35 For example, there is no mention of the coming Treasury call to redeem the circulation bonds in the Federal Reserve Board Meeting Minutes, Washington D.C., of
March 4, 1935, despite attendance by Coolidge; also, the Index to Minutes of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, for 1935, Vol.22, is silent to the
bond call. The 1934 Board minutes are similarly silent. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
36 Treasury Department Annual Report, June 30, 1935, p. 14.
37 The term “circulation privilege” does not appear in the National Bank Act, and Treasury bonds did not stipulate on their face that they carried the circulation
privilege. Rather, the National Bank Act stipulated that Treasury bonds carrying interest were eligible as security for circulating notes, and when Treasury announced
such bond issues, the announcing Circular indicated that national banks could use the bonds as security for circulating notes. Later, out of concern that new bond
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issues would be used to expand the perceived inflationary national currency, in 1911 Congress began to add statutory language in its authorizations of new bond issues
that expressly forbid the bonds from being used to secure national currency, and the prohibition was stipulated on the face of those bonds. Only where bond
authorizations were silent was the circulation privilege conferred on the bonds. From William S. Broughton, Commissioner of the Public Debt, memorandum to
Daniel W. Bell, Assistant to the Secretary, July 18, 1939, “statement concerning the circulation privilege of United States bonds, to which is appended a short account
concerning the retirement of the national bank circulation.” Records of the Bureau of the Public Debt, Series K Currency, RG 53, U.S National Archives, College
Park, MD.
38 Ibid, pp. 2-6.
39 T.J. Coolidge III, Currency” Memorandum to Henry Morgenthau, December 24, 1934.
40Such articles included “Retirement of national bank circulation” (Bankers Magazine, 1915); “The retirement of national bank notes” (Journal of Political Economy,
October 1925); “Will the national bank note go? (American Bankers Association Journal, July 1927). See Committee on the History of the Federal Reserve System,
American Currency and Banking History - Currency Problems: National Bank Notes, Entry 176, Box 10, Folder 4, Item 4, by Committee on the History of the Federal
Reserve System, 1956. File of various news articles on retirement of national bank notes 1915-1935. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
41U.S. House of Representatives, 62nd Congress, 2nd Session, H.R. 26115, August 3, 1912.
42 Andrew W. Mellon, to George F. McLean (R-CT), Chairman, Committee on Banking and Currency, U.S. Senate, memorandum of September 30, 1921, providing
views on S. 1833, a bill proposing uniform national currency.
43 Ibid.
44 Ibid.
45 Ibid.
46 William S. Broughton, Commissioner of the Public Debt, to James H. Moyle, Assistant to the Secretary, U.S. Treasury, memorandum dated December 18, 1938,
providing background history of national bank note retirement efforts.
47 Federal Reserve Board, Washington, Federal Reserve Bulletin, December 1924, pp. 944-947. Also, Peter Huntoon and Lee Lofthus, “Loan of 1925,” in press.
48 Treasury Annual Report 1924, pp. 31-38.
49 Ibid, p. 33.
50 Ibid, p. 35.
51 Walter Eddy, Secretary, Federal Reserve Board, memoranda to the Board summarizing Board motion regarding national currency retirement, December 1, 1924,
and December 5, 1924.
52 Freidman (no first name given), staff attorney, Office of the General Counsel, Treasury Department, to Bernard Bernstein, Assistant General Counsel, deliberative
legal memorandum regarding failure of a national bank to surrender its circulation bonds and background on Secretary’s authority to call the circulation bonds,,
December 28, 1937. Records of the Bureau of the Public Debt, Entry UD-UP, Loans, RG 53/450/82/05/05 Box 1 Panama Canal file (unnumbered). U.S. National
Archives, College Park, MD.
53 Treasury Department Annual report 1928, p. 57.
54 Goldenweiser, Emanuel, Director of research and statistics, Federal Reserve Board, memorandum “Effect on gold reserves of retirement of national bank notes,” to
Roy A. Young, Chairman, December 20, 1928. Federal Reserve Board document X-6208, Volume 29, pp. 403-410. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
55 Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emanuel_Goldenweiser
56 Goldenweiser to Young, December 20, 1928.
57 Ibid.
58 Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Meeting Minutes December 28, 1928, p. 5, Volume 15, Part 2.
59 Ogden L. Mills, Undersecretary of the Treasury, to Secretary of the Treasury Andrew W. Mellon, January 17, 1929, memorandum on delaying elimination of
national bank notes. Bureau of the Public Debt, RG 53/450/54/01/07 Box 15, Subject File “Currency – Retirement, National Bank Notes Nov. 16, 1928-” U.S
National Archives, College Park, MD.
60 Ibid.
61 Ibid.
62 Ibid.
63 Treasury Annual Report, 1929, p. 324, Exhibit 28, “Small-size currency.”
64 Ibid.
65 Herman Oliphant, Treasury Department General Counsel, to T. J. Coolidge III, Undersecretary of the Treasury, January 4, 1935, re sharing Coolidge bond call
memo with Jacob Viner. Records of the Bureau of the Public Debt, Series K Currency, RG 53/450/54/01/07 Box 15, Subject File “Currency – Retirement National
Bank Notes, Nov. 16, 1928-” U.S. National Archives, College Park, MD.
66 Jacob Viner, professor, University of Chicago, letter to Herman Oliphant, Treasury General Counsel, January 2, 1935, re views on Coolidge bond call memo.
Records of the Bureau of the Public Debt, Series K Currency, RG 53/450/54/01/07 Box 15, Subject File “Currency – Retirement National Bank Notes, Nov. 16, 1928-
” U.S. National Archives, College Park, MD.
67 Ibid.
68 Oliphant to Coolidge, January 4, 1935.
69 Coolidge to Morgenthau, February 8, 1935, memorandum “March Financing.” Records of the Bureau of the Public Debt, Series K Currency, RG 53/450/54/01/07
Box 15, Subject File “Currency – Retirement National Bank Notes, Nov. 16, 1928-” U.S. National Archives, College Park, MD.
70 Coolidge to Broughton, undated annotated routing slip transmitting February 8, 1935 memorandum “March Financing.” Records of the Bureau of the Public Debt,
Series K Currency, RG 53/450/54/01/07 Box 15, Subject File “Currency – Retirement National Bank Notes, Nov. 16, 1928-” U.S. National Archives, College Park,
MD.
71 Coolidge to Morgenthau, February 8, 1935, Broughton annotation.
72 Mellon letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, January 1929.
73 Friedman to Bernstein, December 28, 1937.
74 J. Forer, Treasury staff attorney, to Mr. Fuller (no first name given), Treasury attorney, internal deliberative memorandum regarding whether the 2 percent Panama
Canal bonds were properly called, November 2, 1937.
75 Senate Committee on Finance, hearing transcript, Committee on Finance, U.S. Senate, 74th Congress, 1st Session, re H.R. 4304, An Act to Amend the Second
Liberty Bond Act, as amended, and for other purposes. January 29, 1935, pp. 3-7.
76 Treasury Annual Report, 1935, p. 18.
77 Senate hearing transcript, January 29, 1935, p. 6.
78 Ibid, p. 10.
79 Coolidge to Morgenthau, February 8, 1935, memorandum “March Financing.”
80 Press Releases, Treasury Department, Vol. 14, Press Release on call for redemption of the 2 Percent Consols and Panama Canal Bonds, No. 4-47, March 9, 1935.
81 Peter Huntoon and Andrew Shiva, Encyclopedia of U.S. National Bank Notes (2022), Chapter G1, p. 14, June 4, 2022.
82 Press Releases, Treasury Department, Vol. 14, No. 4-47, March 9, 1935.
83 New York Times, “Morgenthau’s Radio Talk on Liberty Bond Call,” April 15, 1935.
84 Ibid.
85 Committee on the History of the Federal Reserve System, American Currency and Banking History - Currency Problems: National Bank Notes, Entry 176, Box 10,
Folder 4, Item 4 by Committee on the History of the Federal Reserve System (U.S.), 1956. File of various news articles on retirement of national bank notes 1915-
1935, citing the United States Banker, January 1929, page 3. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
86 Edward C. Stokes, President, The First-Mechanics National Bank, Trenton, N.J., to J. F. T. O’Connor, Comptroller of the Currency, letter expressing
disappointment in withdrawal of circulation privilege bonds, March 12, 1935. Records of the Bureau of the Public Debt, Series K Currency, RG 53/450/54/01/07 Box
15, Subject File “Currency – Retirement National Bank Notes, Nov. 16, 1928-” U.S. National Archives, College Park, MD.
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87 O’Connor response to Stokes, March 18, 1935. Records of the Bureau of the Public Debt, Series K Currency, RG 53/450/54/01/07 Box 15, Subject File “Currency –
Retirement National Bank Notes, Nov. 16, 1928-” U.S. National Archives, College Park, MD.
88 New York Times, “Consols Called for Redemption,” March 12, 1935.
89 Ibid.
90 Ibid.
91 Financial Chronicle, March 16, 1935, page 1706.
92 New York Times, “End of Bank Notes Meets No Dissent,” March 17, 1935.
93 Ibid.
94 Ibid.
95 Federal Reserve Board, Washington, Federal Reserve Bulletin, July 1935, “Retirement of national-bank notes,” pp., 415-6.
96 Ibid.
97 Ibid.
98 Based on author’s sampled review of Bureau of Public Debt files “Protests,” and “Redemption in Gold (Protests),” Records of the Bureau of the Public Debt, Entry
UD, Series B-BG, 2% Consols of 1930 and Panama Canal Loans etc.,” RG 53/450/82/05/05 Box 2 file “Protests” 380.1. U.S. National Archives, College Park, MD.
99 Broughton to Coolidge, October 22, 1935.
100 Comptroller of the Currency, National Currency and Bond Ledgers for Charter 12570, Lincoln National Bank, Newark, New Jersey. RG 101/550/901/B19/4 Box
15. U.S. National Archives, College Park, MD.
101 Coolidge to Federal Reserve Bank governors, May 17, 1935.
102 Ibid.
103 Broughton to Coolidge, May 11, 1935.
104 Coolidge to Federal Reserve Bank governors, July 24, 1935.
105 Treasury Annual Report, 1936, p. 46.
106 Coolidge to Federal Reserve Bank governors, July 24, 1935.
107 Coolidge to Marriner Eccles, July 30, 1935.
108 L. M. Piser, Federal Reserve Board, to Mr. Thomas (no first name given), June 21, 1935. Memorandum “Retirement of national bank notes,” advising on U.S.
Treasurer’s procedures for paying banks for the redeemed bonds.
109 Treasury Annual Report, 1940, p. 809.
110 Press Releases, Treasury Department, Treasury, Vol. 16, letter from Morgenthau Jr. to Coolidge, Release No. 6-72, January 17, 1936.
111 Financial Chronicle, January 18, 1936, pp. 401-2
112 Treasury Department Annual Report, 1937, p. xv.
113 Meltzer, p. 531; and Levy, pp. 309-11.
114 Time Magazine, January 25, 1943, p. 19.
115 International News Organization, Washington D.C., photo with caption, September 5, 1940.
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Digital Archive of the
Walton Collection
of Nebraska National Bank Notes
The greatest threat to recording every note in a great collection or great hoard is that as soon as it
leaves its owner’s safe deposit box or its site of discovery, the notes simply start to leak away. It is truly
rare for a complete inventory to have been made and virtually unheard of if photos or digital scans were
secured of every piece. This is the story of an exception to this reality.
The purpose of this article is to document how the entire Walton Collection of Nebraska national
bank notes was scanned and is now available for viewing on the Society of Paper Money Collectors website.
Gerome Walton
Gerome Walton was born in Geneva, Nebraska, on June 26, 1934. He purchased his first Nebraska
national bank note in September 1965. Nebraska had 349 issuing banks of which 59 currently are
unreported, leaving 290 that are collectable. Walton actively accumulated notes from 269 of the collectable
banks right up until his death on August 7, 2021. During his 56-year collecting spree, his collection of
Nebraska notes dwarfed the competition.
Walton was a true son of Nebraska, a fact that he wore on his shirt sleeve his entire life despite
having a career path that took him around the country with his last stop being Colorado Springs where he
lived continuously from 1972 forward.
by Matt Hansen
Robert Kelley ANA photo
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The following is from Gerome’s obituary by Peter Huntoon on pages 108 and 109 in the Heritage
October 5-7, 2022, Long Beach U.S. Currency Auction catalog.
“Gerome was born into a modest home in Geneva, Nebraska, a small rural town in southeastern
Nebraska some 60 miles west-southwest of the capital Lincoln. His father was a barber and mother worked
at a diner there. He had two brothers. He graduated from Geneva High School in 1952. Although he had to
leave to find opportunity, he had deep roots in Geneva and a fierce loyalty to Nebraska that lasted his
lifetime.
“Gerome was a big fellow, about 6’ 3” with a sharp technical mind. He joined the Air Force in
August 1953 and served a four-year stint. Upon his discharge, he earned an associate’s degree in electronics
from Central Tech Institute in Kansas City in 1959.
“By 1961 he was working as an electronics technician for Philco, a firm that pioneered in radios,
household appliances, early computers, TV, etc. In short order after he arrived, Philco was purchased by
Ford Motor Company and became the Philco-Ford division. Gerome’s job required frequent moves but his
attachment to Nebraska never wavered.
“He married Ruth McConnell in 1960 and they parented three children, Valerie (1961), Vincent
(1963) and Vicky (1970). Ruth was very supportive of Gerome’s numismatic pursuits. She died in January
2011.
“In 1962, the Philco 2000 Model 212 computer was selected for use in the North American
Aerospace Defense Command's (NORAD) famous Cheyenne Mountain Complex. NORAD is a joint U.
S.-Canadian defense organization charged primarily with providing aerospace warnings of threats such as
the launch of nuclear missiles by enemies. It operates satellites, ground-based radar, airborne radar and
fighters to detect, intercept and, if necessary, engage any threats to Canada and the United States.
“NORAD operates a nerve center from a tunnel complex in Cheyenne Mountain, a facility designed
to withstand nuclear detonations.
“Gerome was transferred to Cheyenne Mountain by Philco-Ford in 1972 to maintain vital electronic
equipment there under a civilian contract. Philco-Ford became Ford Aerospace Communications, which
eventually was assimilated into defense contractor Lockheed Martin. He retired after spending 32 years as
he said “going up to the mountain and having the mountain swallow him up.” He held top-secret clearance
and didn’t divulge anything of his work to anyone.”
Pivotal Opportunities
In 1973, Gerome purchased the 276-note collection of Fullerton, Nebraska, resident Dale Milby.
The following year, on March 23, 1974, he added the 192-note collection of Oswin Keifer, Sr. of Bostwick,
Nebraska. These collections propelled his holdings to the stratosphere.
The disciplined engineer in him manifested itself in setting out to accumulate and organize data on
every issuing bank in the state, and assemble this into what would become the first book dedicated to the
currency issues from a sizable state.
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A primary goal of Walton’s was to illustrate at least one note from each issuing bank. Of course,
this was impossible because no notes were reported from many Nebraska banks. However, about the time
he began this project, rumors were leaking out that the Bureau of Engraving and Printing was in the
processes of transferring its entire inventory of proof sheets lifted from intaglio printing plates that it had
produced to the National Numismatic Collection housed in the Smithsonian Institution. This, of course,
included national bank note proofs.
Bank note companies held the contracts for the Original Series, but the BEP had made all the plates
for the Series of 1875, 1882 and 1902. Walton quickly determined that between his collection and the
photos that he could obtain from cooperating collectors, it was theoretically possible that the BEP proofs
could give him coverage for all the unreported banks except one Original Series-only issuer in Nebraska!
He vectored in on this opportunity, becoming the first numismatist to attempt to mine anything
from the Smithsonian proof holdings. He immediately wrote to curator Vladimir Clain-Stefanelli requesting
information on availability. Little did Walton know that those holdings were in a state of chaos. Much of
the material had barely been unpackaged and shelved, let alone even roughly sorted. In fact, the last of the
material wouldn’t be delivered until 1980. The last thing Clain-Stefanelli wanted to deal with was such a
request. Walton received no response, but fortunately the proofs of the nationals had arrived and importantly
collection manager Butch Vosloh knew about where they were stored in the vault.
Walton persisted for at least a year finally sending an outline of his book, a list of the banks he
desired, and a plea stating that the photos of the proofs were the last thing needed before his book went to
press. Clain-Stefanelli realized he had tied into a serious researcher, graciously replied and assigned Vosloh
to locate what Walton needed. At the time, the proofs for the entire country were arranged by series/charter
number/certification date so Vosloh had a large and tedious task on his hands. Once found, arrangements
had to be made to photograph the proof sheets containing the subjects that Gerome desired. It is certain that
the work involved substantially delayed the publication of Walton treatise, pushing it out to 1978, but
Gerome had a photo of at least one note or proof for all of his 349 banks with the exception of one Original
Series-only issuer, which was The First National Bank of Ashland, charter 2121. He never was charged for
the photos provided by the Smithsonian.
Incidentally, an Original Series ace ultimately was discovered from The First National Bank of
Ashland and consigned to a Spink America sale in 1995. Of course, Gerome acquired it with great
satisfaction. It still holds the status as the only survivor from the bank’s brief issuance.
Walton’s Foremost Contributions to National Bank Note Research
Walton unlocked the door on our understanding of the significance of the plate dates written in
script adjacent to the title blocks on large-size notes. The meaning of those dates remained a numismatic
mystery until he came along. As he tabulated the data on the founding of the Nebraska banks and tracked
their periodic extensions of corporate life, he learned the technical distinctions between dates of
organization, charter, and extension. It didn’t take long before he realized these three dates comprised the
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majority of the plate dates found on national bank note face plates made from 1882 forward. Thus, his 1977
article published in The Numismatist served as the opening salvo in our unraveling the significance of the
all the plate dates on our notes.
As Gerome was working with plate dates, he discovered two Nebraska banks; specifically, Omaha
(2665) and York (2383) had corporate lives that were extended in 1902 and skipped directly from issuing
the Series of 1875 to Series of 1902 red seals. He also found that these same two banks plus Lyons (6221)
and Scottsbluff (6240) issued what national bank note collectors were errantly calling “4th charter” notes.
These were banks that had been issuing Series of 1902 since 1902, and in 1922 received redesigned 1902
notes that carried 1922 plate dates. He deduced correctly that both the 1875/1902 skips and the so-called
4th charter instances were, in fact, peculiarities associated with the interplay between the laws governing
the periodic extensions of corporate lives and the way the Comptroller of the Currency’s office arbitrarily
assigned series to the specific banks. The so-called 4th charter situations represented the 2nd 20-year
extensions for the 2000 charter numbered banks and 1st 20-year extensions for the 6000 charter numbered
banks. He was entirely correct, and he had deduced all of this from the plate dates.
He also was a pioneer in researching bank deposit guaranty legislation that won passage in several
mid-continent states, including of course, Nebraska. These laws, an outgrowth of the populist political
movement of the late 19th century, set up state deposit issuance programs that protected depositors against
loss when their state-chartered banks failed. Many national bankers quickly abandoned their national
charters in favor of state charters to get in on this opportunity. As those programs went bankrupt, the bankers
in the surviving state banks rejoined the national system, often using their former titles. Gerome chronicled
the impact of these conversions on banking throughout the region.
Building a Monument
Walton died August 7, 2021, from complications of a heart-attack that he suffered on July 22nd. His
collection was inherited by his three children: Vincent Walton, Valerie Williams and Vicky Garner. In due
course, they turned to Gerome’s longtime friend Peter Huntoon who had known Gerome since the late
1960s. They had collaborated in teaching “U.S. National Bank Notes” at the ANA Summer Seminars since
2008, where Gerome’s notes, and particularly his uncut sheets, were the centerpieces for all discussions.
Huntoon recommended the services of nationally recognized upper midwest dealer Glen Jorde of
Devils Lake, North Dakota, as the ideal person to market the collection. At the time, the collection was
housed in Nelson, Nebraska, in convenient proximity to a closed motel owned by Vince Walton. Jorde,
Huntoon, and Valerie Walton converged there for a three-day marathon to appraise and catalog the
collection, with Valerie at the computer. At the outset, Jorde realized that high-resolution images had to be
made of all the notes to properly market them, a decision that was made before a single note had left the
holding.
In the meantime, Matt Hansen, who maintains the Nebraska national bank note census, had been
in contact with the Waltons and had raised the issue that making the collection available in the form of
digital images would both nicely honor the significance of their father’s collection as well as provide
numismatics with a terrific research tool. All interests agreed.
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Scanning the collection was no small task. There were more than 1,000 notes to scanned at 600 dpi
color to capture everything in crisp detail. Jorde’s assistant Susan Martin tackled the grueling job, a task so
time-consuming that they had to temporarily suspend Jorde’s on-line auction submissions until the weeks
of scanning could be completed. At this point, Jorde had the images he needed for his marketing purposes
so the process had not been carried out at a sacrifice to his operation. It just became a necessary priority
that nudged other work aside.
Hansen, located in Lincoln, Nebraska, used Gerome’s purchase ledger, which included not only
the notes in his collection, but the notes that he had traded away, to flesh out the overall collection inventory
spreadsheet.
Jorde transferred the completed raw digital scans to Hansen for editing into presentation form and
formal labeling, a task that took a few months of evenings and weekends to accomplish.
At Huntoon’s suggestion, Hansen contacted Mark Drengson about the possibility of featuring the
collection on the Society of Paper Money Collectors website. Mark maintains SPMC’s U.S. Bank Note
History Project. He had been seriously contemplating just such presentations of landmark collections and
jumped at the opportunity.
Bringing the project to fruition required that Hansen tweak the collection spreadsheet into a form
Drengson could use to create hot links to the image files on an appropriate server. Hansen got the onerous
job of testing each of what turned out to be 1,970 links to the note images.
The amazing fact is that not one national had wandered from Gerome’s collection before being
recorded and scanned. The job is a complete monument to Gerome. Getting the job done took a desire to
do so by everyone involved, a bit of coordination, and a lot of tedious work on the part of Jorde, his assistant
Susan Martin, Hansen, and Drengson. Most of the work had to be carried out anyway to market the
collection.
View or download the Walton Collection at:
https://content.spmc.org/wiki/The_Walton_Collection_of_Nebraska_National_Bank_Notes
Sources Cited
Walton, Gerome. Oct 1977. “Dates on Nebraska National Currency.” The Numismatist, v. 90, p. 2005-
2030.
Walton, Gerome. 1978. “A History of Nebraska Banking and Paper Money.” Lincoln, NE, The Centennial,
674 p.
Walton, Gerome. Mar-Apr 2002. “Impact of Nebraska’s bank deposit guaranty law of 1909-30.” Paper
Money, v. 41, p. 75-92.
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$1 Late-Finished SC Series of 1935A
Back Plate 470 Discovery
Derek Higgins made what ranks as the U.S. small-size variety discovery of 2022. He found the first
reported $1 Series of 1935A late-finished back plate 470 from the JC serial number block on eBay; namely,
J97077064C-J4115/470. Previously, the ultra-rare 470 variety was known only from the KC block.
Late-finished 470 $1s rank as the rarest of the late-finished small size varieties with only a handful
reported.
Notes bearing back plate serial number 470 were first recognized as odd by Leon Goodman who
owned Elgee Coins in New York City and was the Goodman of the Goodman-Schwartz-O’Donnell
Standard Handbook of Modern U.S. Paper Money published in 1968. What stood out to Goodman was the
peculiar intermediate size of the 470s on the notes, being a bit larger than the micro numbers used on plates
of that era. See Figure 2. This coupled with the fact that notes printed at the same time bore back plate serial
numbers in the 2850 to 3300 range revealed that there was something special about this plate.
Decades later, Jamie Yakes and I discovered that the plate shared the same origin story as now
famous $5 micro back 637, which is the most avidly sought of small note varieties. A big difference is that
the 470 back $1s are far rarer!
Back plate 470 was begun on September 1, 1936 as a 12-subject iron electrolytic master plate. It
was created through the deposition of iron ions onto an alto—a mold made from an earlier master—that
Figure 1. Derek Higgins unearthed this first example of a $1 Series of 1935A late-finished back plate 470 note
from the JC serial number block on eBay.
The Paper
Column
Peter Huntoon
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
200
was submerged in an electrolytic bath. The process is similar to that
used to chrome plate a car bumper, except in the case of a bumper the
ions are chrome and only a thin buildup is applied.
During its life as a master, plate 470 was used to produce altos
that in turn were used to make numerous iron electrolytic production
plates. No plate serial numbers were etched onto its subjects during this
phase of its life.
In due course, it ceased to be used as a master so it was placed
in storage in the plate vault at the Bureau of Engraving and Printing.
During World War II, the BEP actively participated in the nationwide metal conservation and
recovery effort to extend metal supplies needed for critical war production. As part of this effort, Bureau
personnel went through their plate inventory looking for out-of-service master plates that could be salvaged
and fashioned into production plates. Master back 470 was found and resurrected for such use in 1943.
At this juncture, an engraver etched plate serial number 470 into its 12 subjects using the number
assigned to the plate back in 1936. The BEP had adopted macro plate serial numbers in 1939, but macro
numbers were not used on the plate. Oddly, as with $5 back 637, the engraver attempted to mimic the old
micro size numbers. The result was the intermediate size number illustrated on Figure 2.
The completion of the plate as a printing plate in 1943 classified it as a late-finished plate. The
obvious out-of-character intermediate size plate serial numbers made notes printed from it distinctive, thus
creating an unusual highly collectable variety.
A plate history ledger revealed that the plate was assigned to a production press between May 15
and June 18, 1943. It was canceled June 26, 1943.
The earliest that those backs could have been fed to the face presses would have been a week or
two later owing to normal ink curing and drying time. Another similar interval was required for the face
inks to cure and dry.
The sheets most likely began to arrive in the numbering division during mid to late June. The serial
numbering blocks in production during the period were these.
IC April 24-May 27, 1943
JC May 27-June 24, 1943
KC June 24-September 18, 1943
*A possible as well.
It is unlikely that the first of the 470s could have been numbered in the IC block. However, they
certainly arrived for the JC and KC blocks. The serial on Derek’s note was numbered during the fourth
week of June 1943.
O’Donnell (1977, p. 20) claimed that 2,402,700 notes (200,225 sheets) were printed from the plate
based the total he recorded from its plate record card. All of us have used this total ever since but there is
an obvious bust in it. The plate was assigned to a press for only 35 days. Using O’Donnell’s total implies
that 5,720 sheets per day were produced assuming the plate was being used 7 days per week. This number
is impossible. Typical average production from such a plate was less than 1,000 sheets per day then, often
half that.
The survival rate for notes from the plate is far too small from a 2,402,700 printing. I suspect Chuck
accidentally inserted an extra digit into the total so the actual production was about a tenth of his number.
Unfortunately, the card was discarded after he used it..
The current census of reported specimens is this.
J97077064C J4115/470 vg Higgins
K12724716C L4998/470 vf-xf Heritage FUN Jan 2006
Figure 2. Late-finished $1 back plate 470 was completed with
intermediate size plate numbers in 1943. Micro 469 and macro 930 are
shown for comparison.
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K20895154C J4115/470 xf Heritage Sep 2021
K20895155C K4115/470 xf O’Donnell catalog
K20895156C L4115/470 xf O’Donnell catalog
Tom Denly wrote a decade ago advising that he had found a circulated 470, but I didn’t obtain the serial
number from it.
Sources of Data
Goodman, Leon J., John L. Schwartz, and Chuck O=Donnell, 1968, Standard handbook of modern U. S. paper money: Fleetwood
Letter Service, 54 p.
O=Donnell, Chuck, 1977, The standard handbook of modern United States paper money, 6th edition: Harry Forman, Inc., 342 p.
Huntoon, Peter, May-Jun 1984, Late finished plates used to print small notes: Paper Money, v. 23, p. 122-125.
Huntoon, Peter, May 2011, $1 silver certificate late-finished back 470 is rare: Bank Note Reporter, v. 60, p. 6-8.
Huntoon, Peter, Jan-Feb 2016, Invention and evolution of electrolytic plate making at the Bureau of Engraving and Printing: Paper
Money, v. 55, p. 4-17.
Huntoon, Peter, and Jamie Yakes, Nov-Dec 2013, Salvaged plates, late-finished and other exotic plates explained: Paper Money,
v.52, p. 427-437.
Figure 3. Bottom left subject from the certified proof sheet for late-finished back 470
showing the May 13, 1943 date when it was certified for use as a production plate. It
was originally made in 1936 to serve as a master plate. Smithsonian Institution photo.
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Laws Governing the
Circulation & Denominations
National Banks Could Issue
Purpose
The purpose of this piece is to summarize in one place the laws and administrative decisions that
regulated the amount of currency national bankers could circulate during the note-issuing era and the
denominations that they could use. Both how much circulation a specific bank could issue and the collective
total that all the banks in the country could be issue is treated.
Introduction
A fundamental goal of the 1863 national currency act, and rewritten and reenacted 1864 successor,
was to create a new form of redeemable paper currency that would circulate without resistance across the
country. It was a bond-secured currency, wherein the bankers would purchase U.S. government bonds,
Figure 1. What transpired in Congress to cause this bank to receive 3,099 sheets of 5-5-5-5 but only 68 sheets
of 10-10-10-20 Series of 1882 brown backs?
The Paper
Column
Peter Huntoon
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deposit the bonds with the U.S. Treasurer, be issued currency backed by the bonds, and press the currency
into circulation. Should the bank fail, the Treasurer would sell the bonds and place the proceeds in a
redemption fund to redeem the currency, thus protecting note holders.
Laws Governing Circulation
See Table 1
From 1863 until passage of the Federal Reserve Act in 1913, the bankers were required to deposit
a minimum value of bonds with the expectation that they would take out currency to make the concept
work. Their incentive for engaging in the enterprise was that it provided a means for them to earn interest
twice on the same investment; specifically, they earned interest on the bonds that were held by the Treasurer
and again on the currency that was issued against the bonds that they could loan.
Although bankers were required to purchase a minimum amount of bonds to secure circulation
before passage of the Federal Reserve Act, there was no requirement that they actually take out circulation.
Consequently, some didn’t.
The officers in large numbers of existing banks sold their bonds and got out of the currency-issuing
business after the Federal Reserve Act absolved them of the requirement to purchase bonds. Many officers
in newly organized banks didn’t bother with circulation at all. The bankers who opted out could change
their minds, purchase bonds, and begin or resume issuing. This explains delays or gaps in the circulation
reports that can be observed in the statements of condition published in the annual reports of the Comptroller
of the Currency.
Laws Governing Denominations
See Table 2
National bank notes comprised but a fraction of the total paper currency of the nation so the
Treasury had to balance the nation's commercial needs for selected denominations in part through the
manipulation of nationals. At the outset during the Civil War bankers could order any of the authorized
denominations they wished between $5 and $1,000.
The suspension of specie payments by the nation's banks and the Treasury by the beginning of 1862
had caused a severe shortage of coins and low denomination Federal currency so in 1864 Congress
authorized the issuance of $1, $2 and $3 national bank notes to help alleviate the problem. The $3s never
were adopted.
A flaw that disregarded human nature in the 1863 and 1864 acts was that the bankers were not
charged for their plates. Consequently, they tended to order several denominations whether their business
required them or not. This was remedied in 1874. Once the Act of June 30, 1874 passed, the number of
plates that were ordered dropped dramatically.
The shortage of small denomination notes persisted so quite a few bankers in new banks, especially
in small towns organized before the turn of the 20th century, opted to order only $5s. The $5-only issuers
included the last of the Series of 1875-issuing banks and many 19th century Series of 1882 issuers.
The Gold Standard Act passed in 1900 addressed the chronic shortage of small denominations by
putting the burden for their issuance on the Treasury. This was primarily accomplished, by restricting the
issuance of $20 and higher denomination silver certificates to only 10 percent of the outstanding silver
certificate total, thus flooding the banking system with Series of 1899 $1, $2 and $5 silver certificates and
ramped up production of Series of 1891 $10 silvers.
The shortage of $10s was addressed further in the Gold Standard Act by a provision that small
denomination legal tender notes were to be retired and reissued in higher denomination notes, mainly $10s.
These $10s arrived in the voluminous issues of Series of 1901 bison notes.
The national bank note issues were tweaked as well. The Gold Standard Act restricted the issuance
of $5 national bank notes to 1/3 of the total circulation of a given bank. This diminished the supply of $5
national bank notes but they were more than offset by Series of 1899 $5 silver certificates. However,
limiting national bank note $5s resulted primarily in an increased use of the 10-10-10-20 combination, thus
augmenting the availability of $10s.
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The Treasury still perceived that there was a shortage of $10s during the ensuing years. This was
addressed administratively on July 23, 1906 when the Comptroller of the Currency William Ridgely issued
a circular to the cashiers of all national banks informing them that henceforth a 10-10-10-10 plate
combination was being made available in the current Series of 1882 and 1902, so they were encouraged to
adopt its use. The intent was that the officers of new banks would use a 10-10-10-10 instead of 10-10-10-
20 and existing banks would substitute 10-10-10-10s for a substantial part of their 10-10-10-20 needs,
thereby increasing the availability of $10s. This helped a bit, but not enough.
Circulation of $10 Treasury currency was finally given a huge boost with passage of an act in 1907
that authorized $10 gold certificates, the first gold certificates smaller than $20. These came forth as Series
of 1907 gold certificates in great quantity.
The Aldrich-Vreeland Act of 1908 provided for short-term issuances of national bank notes secured
by state and municipal bonds and sound commercial paper. The act authorized the issuance of $500, $1,000
and $10,000 Series of 1882 and 1902 national bank notes in addition to the lower denominations. Treasury
officials never saw the need for these high denominations and I never found models for them.
The Treasury experienced an ever-growing demand for small denomination notes leading up to
World War I and beyond. Thus, Comptroller of the Currency John Skelton Williams called for legislation
to repeal the limitation on $5 nationals. This was granted by an amendment to the National Bank Act passed
October 5, 1917 that repealed the $5 limitation. The act also authorized the issuance of $1 and $2 national
bank notes but in amounts of no more than $25,000 per bank. The $1 and $2 denominations never were
adopted although models were prepared for them. However, new banks began to issue nothing but $5s
again, this time as Series of 1902 blue seal plain backs.
Does Any of This Matter?
We'll close with two examples that will illustrate how the interplay between legislated provisions
and administrative decisions on Tables 1 and 2 can inform your understanding about why certain situations
that you have run into occurred. These are the tip of the iceberg for the uses that can be made of these tables.
Usually when a bank was issuing from 5-5-5-5 and 10-10-10-20 sheet combinations in the Series
of 1882, the total numbers issued of each combination was similar. Occasionally, however, Series of 1882
totals such as those for Ishpeming, Michigan (3095) are starkly different. In the Ishpeming case there were
3,099 sheets of 5-5-5-5s versus 68 sheets of 10-10-10-20s.
The explanation usually is that the bankers initially ordered only $5s, which was the case when the
Ishpeming bank was chartered December 21, 1883. The Gold Standard Act of March 14, 1900 imposed a
Figure 2. How did a flood of small-town banks with initial circulations of $6,250 come along
after the turn of the 20th century such as this one? This Farmland, Indiana bank was washed
out by the Post-World War I Agricultural Depression. Was this fate common for such banks?
Can much of the blame for such failures be laid on shortsighted national bank legislation?
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provision that limited the issuance of $5 for all banks to one third of a bank's circulation. This caused a rush
of orders at the Bureau of Engraving and Printing in 1900 for 10-10-10-20 and/or 50-100 plates in order
for existing banks to comply. In the case of the Ishpeming bank, this requirement came very late in its use
of the series. Notice on Figure 1 the disparity in the certification dates written in the bottom margins of the
proofs—Jan 5, 1884 versus Aug 9, 1900. The Series of 1882 emissions from the 10-10-10-20 plate lasted
a mere six months, so the bank received only 68 sheets of 10-10-10-20s before being liquidated February
25, 1901.
This story also was repeated for the last of the Series of 1875-issuing banks that began life by
circulating only $5 Series of 1875 notes.
Far more significant was an amendment to the National Bank Act that came along in the Gold
Standard Act of March 14, 1900. The Gold Standard Act was a compromise piece of legislation where the
hard money sponsors threw some bones to the soft money rural populists in order to win passage of their
act.
Section 10 halved the capitalization requirement from $50,000 to $25,000 for new banks in towns
with populations of 3,000 or less. This encouraged the establishment of banks in small towns with the hope
that some wealth would spread into the hinterlands to help grow their cash starved economies.
Section 12 of the act raised the amount of circulation that could be issued against the bonds that
national bankers bought to secure their circulations from 90 to 100 percent. This instantly inflated their note
issues by ten percent, thus allowing them to infuse more currency into their economies through loans. The
idea from the perspective of the populists was that some of the cash would trickle down to the working
classes.
Existing Section 8 of The Act of July 12, 1882 specified that banks having a capital of $150,000 or
less were required to deposit bonds equal to a quarter of their capital to secure their circulations. The little
banks capitalized at $25,000 in towns with less than 3,000 people therefore would have circulations of
$6,250.
These $6,250 banks are the most revered of the home town banks in national bank lore because, of
course, their circulations were mere pocket change. Thus, notes they issued spelled rarity for future
generations of numismatists. The image of those bankers standing outside the doors of their clapboard banks
admiring the small businesses that they financed up and down newly graded main streets are the stuff of
our fantasies.
Figure 3. Bankers could opt to circulate only $5 notes before the Act of March 14, 1900 and
after the Act of October 5, 1917, otherwise they were required to issue a mix of denominations.
The life of this Clay City, Nebraska bank—1886-1889— fell entirely within the period before
1900 so those bankers decided to issue only $5 Series of 1882 brown backs.
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Laws can have serious consequences and Section 10 of the Gold Standard Act was an archetypical
example. It was the most ill-advised piece of national banking legislation enacted during the note-issuing
era because it resulted in ruinous impoverishment of a generation of rural Americans who had begun to
claw their way up into the middle-class.
The impact of the provision was that it allowed for the creation of a flood of minimally capitalized
banks in rural areas, particularly in the Midwest, Northwest and South. The problem was that such banks
were marginally viable economic enterprises so they tended to attract management with speculative
tendencies and less than stellar business acumen. Business for them was satisfactory heading into the teens,
then boomed as agricultural commodity and land prices soared during World War I. It appeared that the
good times had come to stay.
The bubble burst when the war ended. Agricultural commodity prices crashed and legions of troops
returned to economies that couldn't absorb them. As the Post-World War I Agricultural Depression rolled
over the heartland, the shakeout of such undercapitalized national banks was severe. The Great Depression
that followed finished the job. These were the days before deposit insurance so the failures of those banks
took the saving of their communities with them. The farmers they catered to were suddenly bankrupt. They
walked from their homesteads joining their brethren and townspeople who depended on them, all of whom
were in the same fix. They migrated to northern cities to compete against each other for the industrial jobs
that were in short supply there or a decade later for any work they could find in California.
Section 10 of the Gold Standard Act had appreciably contributed to one of the largest mass
migrations in American history. Those involved were economic refugees.
Table 1. Key legislative provisions governing the amount of circulation that
national banks could obtain.
How to use this table: Track a point of interest through successive acts. The point holds until it is
specifically superseded, then that variant holds until it is specifically superseded, and so forth.
Example 1: Circulation is limited to 90% percent of bonds (Act of February 25, 1863, Sec. 16); circulation
is raised to 100% of bonds (Act of March 14, 1900, Sec. 12).
Example 2: Maximum circulation cannot exceed the paid-in capital stock (Act of February 25, 1863, Sec.
16); maximum circulation is prorated based on paid-in capital stock (Act of March 3, 1865, Sec. 21);
maximum circulation is 90% of paid-in capital stock (Act of July 12, 1882, Sec. 10); maximum circulation is
100% of paid-in capital stock (Act of Mar 14, 1900, Sec. 12).
Even though a deposit of bonds to secure circulation always was required prior to the Federal Reserve Act
of December 23, 1913, no law required bankers to take out circulation or prevented them from reducing
their circulation by depositing lawful money with the U. S. Treasurer to cover such redemptions.
February 25, 1863:
Sec. 3: Minimum capital required is based on population as follows:
$50,000 – population of 10,000 or less,
$100,000 – population over 10,000.
Sec. 15: Required deposit of bonds equal to not less than 1/3 of paid-in capital stock.
Sec. 16: Circulation limited to 90 percent of bonds.
Sec. 16: Maximum circulation cannot exceed the paid-in capital stock.
Sec. 17: Total amount of circulation for all banks limited to $300,000,000 with $150,000,000
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apportioned according to the representative population of the states, District of Columbia and
territories and the remainder apportioned by the Secretary of the Treasury in due regard to the
existing banking capital, resources and business of the states, District of Columbia and territories.
Sec. 41: Banks must maintain a lawful money reserve equal to 25% of their outstanding circulation
June 3, 1864:
Sec. 7: Minimum capital required is based on population as follows:
$50,000 – population of 6,000 or less,
$100,000 – population of 6,001 to 50,000,
$200,000 – population of greater than 50,000,
Sec 16: Required deposit of bonds equal to not less than $30,000 or 1/3 of paid-in capital stock.
Sec. 21: Circulation limited to 90 percent of bonds.
Sec. 21: Maximum circulation cannot exceed the paid-in capital stock.
Sec. 22: Total amount of circulation for all banks limited to $300,000,000.
Sec. 31: Banks must maintain a lawful money reserve against their outstanding circulation as follows:
those in reserve cities – 25%, all others – 15%.
March 3, 1865:
Sec. 21: Maximum circulation is proportional to paid-in capital as follows and no more:
capital up to $500,000 – 90 percent of capital,
capital greater than $500,000 up to $1,000,000 – 80 percent of capital,
capital greater than $1,000,000 up to $3,000,000 – 75 percent of capital,
capital greater than $3,000,000 – 60 percent of capital.
Sec. 21: $150,000,000 of total circulation apportioned according to the representative population of
the states, District of Columbia and territories. Remainder apportioned by the Secretary of the
Treasury in due regard to the existing banking capital, resources and business of the states, District
of Columbia and territories.
July 12, 1870:
Sec. 1: Total amount of circulation for all banks increased $54,000,000 above the existing
$300,000,000 limit, wherein the $54,000,000 was to be furnished to new banks in states and
territories having less than their proportion of circulation under the terms of the Act of March 3,
1865 based on the census of 1870. If after one year the $54,000,000 was not subscribed for by
such new banks, the Comptroller of the Currency could issue the remainder to banks in other
states and territories having less than their proportion with preference to those with the greatest
deficiency.
Sec. 1: Maximum circulation for any bank organized hereafter limited to $500,000 (repealed by Act
of July 12, 1882).
Sec. 3: Circulation of national gold banks authorized and limited to 80 percent of bonds.
Sec. 3: Maximum circulation of national gold banks limited to $1,000,000.
Sec. 4: National gold banks must maintain a minimum reserve of 25 percent of their outstanding
circulation in gold and silver coin.
June 20, 1874:
Sec. 2: Banks no longer required to carry a reserve against outstanding circulation.
Sec. 3: All banks must maintain a redemption fund with the U. S. Treasurer equal to 5% of their
outstanding circulation.
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Sec. 4. Bankers desiring to retire the whole or part of their circulations may do so in increments of
not less than $9,000.
Sec. 4: Minimum deposit of bonds to secure circulation set at $50,000.
January 14, 1875:
Sec 3. Repealed aggregate limits on total national bank circulation ($300,000,000 as per Act of June
3, 1864 + $54,000,000 as per Act of July 12, 1870).
Sec 3. Repealed apportionment provisions in Sec. 21 of the Act of March 3, 1865.
January 19, 1875:
Sec. 1: Repealed the $1,000,000 limit on national gold bank circulations.
July 12, 1882 (provided for a first 20-year extension of corporate life):
Sec. 8: Banks having a capital of $150,000 or less required to deposit bonds equal to 1/4th of their
capital to secure their circulations.
Sec. 8: Circulation limited to 90 percent of bonds.
Sec. 9: No more than an aggregate of $3,000,000 of circulation can be withdrawn upon deposit of
lawful money by all banks per month.
Sec. 10: Repealed limits on circulation imposed by Sec. 21 of Act of March 3, 1865.
Sec. 10: Maximum circulation cannot exceed 90 percent of paid-in capital stock.
March 14, 1900 (Gold Standard Act):
Sec. 10: Halved the capitalization requirement for new banks in towns with populations of 3,000 or
less from $50,000 to $25,000.
Sec. 12: Circulation raised to 100 percent of bonds.
Sec. 12: Maximum circulation cannot exceed 100 percent of paid-in capital stock.
March 4, 1907:
Sec. 4: No more than an aggregate of $9,000,000 of circulation can be withdrawn upon deposit of
lawful money by all banks per month.
March 30, 1908 (Aldrich-Vreeland Emergency Currency Act):
Sec. 1: provided a bank has outstanding circulation secured by U. S. bonds to an amount not less than
40 percent of its capital stock, it can then issue:
“or other security” issues backed by qualifying bonds limited to 90 percent of their market value
and
Sec. 1: “or other security” issues backed by qualifying commercial paper limited to 75 percent of its
cash value as long as that circulation doesn’t exceed 30 percent of the unimpaired capital and
surplus of the issuing bank.
Sec. 5: The total amount of notes secured by both U. S. Government bonds and “or other securities”
cannot exceed the unimpaired capital and surplus of the issuing bank.
Sec. 5: The aggregate limit of all “or other security” outstanding at any time cannot exceed
$500,000,000.
December 23, 1913 (Federal Reserve Act):
Sec. 17: Repealed requirements for deposit of bonds by national banks to secure circulations.
Sec. 18: Beginning December 23, 1915, banks desiring to retire the whole or part of their circulations
could submit applications to the U. S. Treasurer to sell the securing bonds, which the Federal
Reserve Board could require the Federal Reserve banks to purchase. The aggregate of such sales
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could not exceed $25,000,000 per year.
August 4, 1914 (Federal Reserve Act Amendment):
Sec. 1: The Secretary of the Treasury could (and did) waive the Act of March 30, 1908, section 1,
requirement that the bank must have an existing bond secured circulation in order to receive
currency secured by “or other securities.”
Sec. 1: The Secretary of the Treasury could suspend the $500,000,000 limit on "or other security"
currency" in Section 5 of the Act of March 30, 1908.
Sec. 1: The total amount of notes secured by both U. S. Government bonds and “or other securities”
cannot exceed 125 percent of the unimpaired capital and surplus of the issuing bank (expired
June 30, 1915).
June 21, 1917 (Federal Reserve Act Amendment):
Sec. 9: Amended and reenacted all repeal requirements for deposit of bonds by national banks to
secure their circulations.
July 22, 1932 (Glass-Borah Amendment, Federal Home Loan Bank Act):
Sec. 29: Bankers can use any Treasury bonds with interest rates of 3-3/8 percent or less to secure
their circulations until July 22, 1935.
Table 2. Congressional acts and administrative decisions governing the
denominations that were issued by national banks.
February 25, 1863:
Sec. 18: Authorized $5, $10, $20, $50, $100, $500, $1000 notes.
The following Original/1875 series plate combinations were used:
5-5-5-5 20-20-20-20 100-100
10-10-10-10 20-20-20-50 500
10-10-10-20 20-20-20-100 500-500-500-500
10-10-20-20 20-20-50-100 500-1000
10-10-20-50 50-50 500-500-500-1000 (Original only)
10-20-50-100 50-100 1000 (Original only)
10-50-50-100 50-50-50-100 1000-1000-1000-1000
Sec. 19: Bankers did not pay for their plates directly, all expenses associated with the production of
the notes and operation of the Comptroller of the Currencies office were covered by a tax on the
outstanding circulation of the bank.
June 3, 1864:
Sec. 22: Authorized $1, $2, $3, $5, $10, $20, $50, $100, $500, $1000 notes.
The following additional plate combinations were used in the Original/1875 series:
1-1-1-1 (Orig only) 1-1-1-2 1-1-2-2
$3 denomination was not used
Sec. 22: Not more than 1/6th part of a bank's notes shall be of denominations less than $5.
Sec. 22: No $1, $2 or $3 notes to be issued after resumption of specie payments.
Note: Specie payments resumed January 1, 1879.
March 3, 1873 (Act making Appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal Year
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ending June 13, 1874—Treasury Department):
Note: Surprise legislation that authorized Circulating Notes to replace successfully counterfeited
national bank notes. No denominations were specified. 5,625 sheets of Series of 1873 10-10-10-10
notes were delivered to the Comptroller of the Currency for seven banks and design work progressed
on $1, $2 and $5 faces at the BEP before the series was killed as unnecessary. Bankers were required
to pay for the plates but this probably was not enforced because they didn't receive their notes.
June 30, 1874:
Sec. 3: Bankers in banks organized hereafter had to pay for the plates they ordered.
July 12, 1882 (provided for a first 20-year extension of corporate life):
Sec. 6: All bankers in extending banks had to pay for the plates they ordered,
Note: This act did not explicitly specify the denominations that extended banks could receive. The
Treasury made the following plate combinations available to them in a new Series of 1882:
5-5-5-5 10-10-10-20 50-100
10-10-10-10 beginning July 23, 1906
50-50-50-100 beginning October 1910 when use of the 50-100 combination was phased out
Hereafter, without specific Congressional authorization, the Comptroller of the Currency's office
also issued the Series of 1882 to newly organized banks, thus phasing out the Original/1875 series
for new banks.
March 14, 1900 (Gold Standard Act):
Sec. 12: The circulation of $5 notes was limited to 1/3 of the total circulation of the bank.
April 12, 1902 (provided for a second 20-year extension of corporate life)
Note: The Treasury made the following plate combinations available in a new Series of 1902 to
banks extending for a second time:
5-5-5-5 10-10-10-20 50-100
10-10-10-10 beginning July 23, 1906
50-50-50-100 beginning November 1910 when use of the 50-100 combination was phased out
Hereafter, without specific Congressional authorization, the Comptroller of the Currency's office
also issued the Series of 1902 to both newly organized banks and extending banks extending for a
first time, thus phasing out the Series of 1882 for new and extending banks.
March 30, 1908 (Aldrich-Vreeland Emergency Currency Act):
Sec. 11: Authorized $5, $10, $20, $50, $100, $500, $1000, $10,000 Series of 1882 and 1902 date back
notes.
Note: No $500, $1000 or $10,000 plates were made.
October 5, 1917:
Sec. 2: Repealed the limitation placed on the issuance of $5 national bank notes.
Sec. 3: Authorized $1 and $2 notes but limited them to no more than $25,000 of a bank's circulation,
Note: No $1 or $2 plates were made.
March 3, 1919:
Sec. 4: Authorized $500 and $1000 notes.
Note: No $500 or $1000 plates were made.
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WILLIAM MORRIS MEREDITH
19TH SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY (1849-1850)
By Rick Melamed
There are a copious number of articles and books written
about the Civil War; but there is much less written about the few
decades leading up to the War. In the 1840’s and 1850’s the
Congressional battles between the Southern and Northern states
were escalating. William Morris Meredith, whose portrait
graces the 5th issue 10¢ Fractional (Fr. 1264-1266) was in the
thick of things with tireless battles in the political arena to end
slavery and prevent the Southern states seceding from the
Union. Meredith was a brilliant and successful attorney
practicing in Pennsylvania who put aside his lucrative private
practice on multiple occasions to attend to the serious national
problems before, during and after the Civil War. In this article
we will explore his contributions to our Nation. The man
behind the image was a person of great intellect, a top-notch
lawyer who throughout his life was a voracious consumer of
classic literature. He was smart, honest to a fault and was a
patriotic American who sacrificed his health and wealth to
further the guiding principles of our great country.
William Morris Meredith was born in the closing months
of the 18th century on June 8, 1799, in Philadelphia. He was the
eldest son of William Tuckey Meredith who was a successful
attorney (William Morris was one of eleven children). William
Tuckey’s father, Jonathan Meredith, who was of Welsh descent,
immigrated from Herefordshire, England in 1750.
Herefordshire is in western England on border near Wales. In
his new adopted country, Jonathan became successful in the
saddlery business – so much so, that his grandson, William
Morris spent some time in the family business. In 1795, William
Tuckey married the writer and poet Gertrude Gouverneur
Meredith (née Ogden). Gertrude was the niece of Lewis Morris and Gouverneur Morris (both signed the Declaration
of Independence). William Morris’s mother was highly educated and later became a published author. William
Tuckey served on the Philadelphia Common and Select Councils, and on the Vestry of Christ Episcopal Church.
William Sr. brother, Jonathan Meredith was a leader of the Bar in Baltimore, Maryland. In 1814, William Sr. became
president of Schuylkill Bank based in Philadelphia. William Sr. had his career advancement stifled when he narrowly
lost to Nicholas Biddle for the position of the Presidency of the Bank of the United States.
William Jr. graduated from the University of Pennsylvania, as class Valedictorian, in 1812 at the age of 13
(graduation at age 13 not being unusual at the time). After working in the family saddlery business, William Morris
returned to the University of Pennsylvania where he eventually graduated with a law degree. Meredith then applied
and was admitted to the Pennsylvania Bar. On June 17, 1834, Meredith married the former Catherine Keppele. They
had one son, William III, b. 1838, later a published essayist and poet; and four daughters: Gertrude Gouverneur
Meredith, Euphemia Ogden Meredith, Elizabeth Caldwell Meredith, Catherine Keppele Meredith.
Career
Meredith had a reputation as being a fearless and scrupulously honest attorney. One example of his honesty
refers to a case argued in 1844 before the Pennsylvania Supreme Court with Meredith and 2 senior attorneys. When
the court stated only 2 attorneys could argue the case, the 2 senior lawyers took precedent. When the case concluded,
Meredith returned his considerable fee of $10,000 indicating since he was not able to present in court, he could not
in good conscience accept any fee. He litigated a noted case, Commonwealth v. Cook, a murder case involving 3
black men accused of killing a young white boy. Meredith drew considerable public attention, along with his co-
counsel, James C. Biddle (later his brother-in-law), by questioning the conduct of Judge Frank Hallowell. During the
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jury's deliberation, the American Daily Advertiser published an article on the case which Meredith thought was highly
biased. The judge allowed counsel to question jurors as to whether they read the article, and when the judge refused
to dismiss a juror who said he was offended by Meredith's questioning, the juror complained. The result was Judge
Hallowell held both lawyers in contempt of court put them into prison for 30 days. Upon their release, Meredith and
Biddle secured release of two of the prisoners in an appeal on double jeopardy grounds. Meredith had public
sympathy which led to him be elected President of the Philadelphia Bar Association the following year.
Subsequently Meredith, who was then a member of the Federalist party, was elected to the Pennsylvania General
Assembly, where he served for five years (1824-1828). In 1828, Meredith’s mother passed away. William Tuckey
was so grief stricken with the passing of his wife, that he never recovered emotionally, leaving it to his son to help
support the family. Meredith showed his capacity for empathy for the downtrodden; he established a House of Refuge
for juvenile offenders, where he served as that institution's manager. He was also a board member on
the Pennsylvania Institution for the Deaf and Dumb, where he served on the board until his death.
From 1839-1854, Meredith was president of the Philadelphia City Council and was a delegate to the
Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention in 1837. The accomplishments continued. In 1837 he was elected as a
member to the American Philosophical Society. He also
served as United States Attorney for the Eastern District
of Pennsylvania from 1841 to 1845.
Meredith had a direct connection to President James
Buchanan. Meredith, who profited from being a
successful attorney, purchased a fine Federal style 10
acre estate in Lancaster, Pennsylvania; which he owned
from 1845 until 1848 before selling it to future
President James Buchanan (who was President of the
U.S. from 1857-1861). Originally known as the
Wheatland Estate, it is now an historic landmark and is
more commonly known as the James Buchanan House,
home of the 15th President of the U.S.
In 1849, Meredith reached the pinnacle of his career
when he became the 19th Secretary of the Treasury. He
succeeded Robert Walker (known to Fractional collectors
from his portrait on the 5th issue 25¢ note). He was appointed to the post by President Zachary Taylor, who wanted
a Pennsylvania Whig* for his cabinet. Meredith strongly opposed free trade legislation. In an effort to protect
American workmen from cheap European labor, he instituted a protective tariff. Meredith was also a strong advocate
for allowing California to enter the United States; he exerted strong influence on President Taylor (they were close
friends) and the rest of the Cabinet to allow its entry. The pro-slavery faction of Congress did not want to add another
“free” state and called for Meredith to be kicked out of the Cabinet. President Taylor held firm, ignoring appeals
from the Southern states and California became a state in 1850 (though it came shortly after President Taylor’s
untimely death). Meredith was also strongly opposed the Missouri Compromise (an 1820 law that allowed Missouri
to enter the U.S. but as a slave state in exchange for allowing Maine to enter the U.S. as a free state). The Missouri
Compromise would remain in force for just over 30 years before it was repealed by the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854.
In 1857, the Supreme Court ruled the compromise unconstitutional in the Dred Scott case, setting the stage for the
nation’s final path toward the Civil War. Another example of Meredith’s anathema toward slavery was his strong
opposition to the Fugitive Slave Act. The Fugitive Slave Act was passed by Congress on September 18, 1850. It was
a compromise between Southern interests in slavery and Northern Free-States. The controversial act required that all
escaped slaves, upon capture, be returned to the slave owner and that officials and citizens of free states had to
cooperate. Abolitionists nicknamed it the "Bloodhound Bill", when the practice of using dogs was employed to track
down escaped slaves. The Act contributed to the growing polarization of the country over the issue of slavery, and
was another factor that led to the Civil War.
Sadly, Taylor’s reign as President was short lived when he passed away suddenly after being in office for only
16 months. While Taylor’s replacement, Millard Fillmore, was anti-slavery he made concessions to slave states to
preserve the Union (signing Fugitive Slave Act). This turn of events caused Meredith and all but 1 member of Taylor’s
cabinet to resign en masse. Meredith went back into private practice but his career as a public servant was not over.
Even in private practice Meredith took on many anti-slavery cases. During this time Meredith switched from the
Whig party to the Republican party, where he was a supporter of Abraham Lincoln.
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Also in 1861, Meredith was a delegate to the Washington Peace Conference. The Peace Conference of 1861 was
a meeting of more than 100 of the leading politicians of the antebellum United States held in Washington, D.C., in
February 1861. The main goal was to prevent what ultimately became the Civil War. The success of
President Abraham Lincoln and the Republican Party in the national elections of 1860 led to a flurry of political
activity. In much of the South, elections were held to select delegates to special conventions empowered to consider
secession from the Union. In Congress, efforts were made in both the House of Representatives and the Senate to
reach compromise over the issues relating to slavery that were dividing the nation. The Washington Peace Conference
of 1861 was the final effort by the individual states to resolve the crisis. With the seven states of the South already
committed to secession, the emphasis for peacefully preserving the Union focused on the eight slaveholding states
representing the Upper South Border, with the states of Virginia and Kentucky playing key roles. Despite drafting 6
different Constitutional amendments, the Peace Conference ultimately failed; it was the final legislative attempt to
prevent the Civil War.
With the outbreak of the Civil War, Meredith shifted his efforts to support the Union as Attorney General of
Pennsylvania (a position he held from 1861-67). How Meredith got the position was a result of some malfeasance
by the previous attorney general, Samuel A. Purviance. In the process of raising money to fund and equip a
Pennsylvania based army, Purviance was caught in a scandal with corrupt contractors and had to resign his position.
With Governor Andrew Curtin and the state under fire, Curtin turned to Meredith to take over as state attorney
general. Meredith was the obvious choice based on his reputation as an accomplished, hard-working honest lawyer.
Meredith quickly righted the ship and the scandal faded as Meredith arranged a loan of $3 million to help form and
equip an army for Pennsylvania in defense of the state and the Union. It was a position Meredith took with great
reluctance but did so in support of the Union. With Meredith’s wife passing away a few years prior (in 1853), he
was left with 5 children without a mother. As Attorney General, Meredith had to reside in a boarding house at the
state capitol in Harrisburg, leaving his home and children in Philadelphia. During his tenure, Meredith worked
vigorously to increase enrollment of Pennsylvania army. William and his brother, Sullivan Amory Meredith
(who had served in the Mexican War with the rank of Brigadier General) helped Pennsylvania meet its quota of
troops needed to fight in the Civil War. His son, William III, served for a short stint as secretary to Major
General George A. McCall. However, William III was forced to resign his position due to physical ailments (cataracts
and a stutter). With all his accomplishments, Meredith was actively recruited to run for Congress in 1861, a position
he declined because he felt that his duties as state Attorney General were too important.
William later served on a commission that negotiated a settlement of the Alabama Claims (The Alabama Claims
were a diplomatic dispute between the United States and Great Britain that arose out of the U.S. Civil War. The
peaceful resolution of these claims seven years after the War ended set an important precedent for solving serious
international disputes through arbitration and laid the foundation for greatly improved relations between Britain and
the United States.
President Ulysses Grant asked Meredith to travel to Geneva as senior counsel for the U.S. in an international
arbitration proceeding. Meredith declined the position due to poor health but invested a considerable amount of effort
in preparation. Once again, Meredith waived his fee. Meredith was suffering terribly with gout and declining health.
Even with his strength and health dissipating, Meredith took on his last political post as President of the 1872
Republican National Convention. William Meredith passed away on Sunday morning, August 17, 1873.
William Meredith on Revenue Stamps and
Fractional Currency
Meredith portrait on government issued
financial instruments are small, but
noteworthy. The (3) revenue stamps for Stock
Transfer, Documentary and Silver Tax, were
all made out for $20. They use the same
portrait of Meredith as found on Fractionals.
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Meredith’s portrait is found on the green seal (Fr. 1264) and red seal (Fr. 1265 & Fr. 1266) 5th issue 10¢
fractional.
On the whimsical side, the very common Meredith note, which is the most cost friendly Fractional, made it ideal
for some artistic embellishments. Also known as “satricals”; they are avidly collected. The results are humorous,
and some are very well executed. Here are (9) of the better renderings. They include matronly women, a bishop,
Native American, Nurse, Sultan, wounded soldier, etc.
William Meredith was a gentleman of great accomplishments and
should be admired. He sacrificed his own personal ambition in support of the
Country. While some might wonder why his portrait was chosen for the 5th
issue 10¢ Fractional and not someone more noted (like Alexander Hamilton,
the 1st Secretary of Treasury), one needs some context. At the time of his
passing Meredith was a leading figure in the Republican Party. His
accomplishments at the time were highly regarded and he certainly earned
his place onto our national currency. However, time has not been fair to
Meredith since all his efforts to prevent the Civil War could not curtail the
inevitable. Obviously, the Civil War was the much bigger story
overshadowing much of the Nation’s history in the 1840’s and 1850’s.
A great deal of thanks to Heritage and Stack’s Bowers archives for the
Satirical images. Also, thanks to Richard Lewis Ashhurst of the
Pennsylvania Bar for his comprehensive biography om Meredith written for
The American Law Register in April 1907.
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Challis Idaho Territory Postal Note
by Bob Laub
Lewis and Clark first explored Idaho in the early 1800’s. This geographic region was part of their search for a
viable water passage route to the West Coast. In actuality, Idaho was the last of the continuous lower 48 states
explored by non-native Americans. By 1880, the entire territory boasted a population of only 32,610, and as a
Territory, issued only 89,077 postal notes. Statehood was authorized ten-years later, July 3, 1890, making Idaho the
43rd state to join the Union. The state capital, since its inception, has been located in Boise. From the time of
statehood until the last day postal notes were issued, June 30, 1894, the state issued an additional 93,916 postal
notes. As evidenced by the numbers any Idaho Postal Note, territorial or state issued, should be considered
extremely rare. At the time of this article only four Idaho Territorial notes, and ten Idaho State issued have been
recorded.
Idaho is located in the extreme North-West section of the country and shares its boarders with six other U.S.
states as well as Canada. To the East lies Montana and Wyoming while to the West the states of Washington and
Oregon are its’ neighbors. Along Idaho’s Southern boundary are Nevada and Utah; to the North is the Canadian
Province of British Columbia.
The town of Challis is located in Idaho’s central most section, and founded in 1878, the same year a post office
was established. The town was named after A.P. Challis, who was a surveyor when the town boundaries’ where
first being laid out.
The Challis Idaho Territorial Postal Note
All post offices, upon their first day of issue, started with a serial number 1 note, and continued to progress
numerically as demand increased. All issued postal notes were subject to a three-cent administrative fee, and
Government regulations to state all notes must be issued for under $5.00 (1-cent-$4.99).
This postal note is a Type II, and along with Type I notes were the only types to have a paying city designated
at the time of issue. All remaining types (Types III-V) were payable at “any money order office”. This made future
issued notes more convenient to smaller towns. Many rural areas of the country were completely devoid of any
banking institutions. Earlier pioneers, in some cases, had upwards of a day’s travel just to reach a credible banking
establishment.
This serial # 501 was the first Type II (grey paper) issued from the Challis Post Office. A confirmed fact: All
Type I books contained 500 notes. This ten-cent note, issued February 3, 1885 by Postmaster R.N. Hull, was
payable only at the Challis, Idaho office. Upon closer examination this note was issued, endorsed, and cashed all on
the same day. The issuing, and cashing circles, part of the reverse engraving, has both circles with the same
cancellation applied: “Challis, Idaho; Feb. 3, 1885; M.O.B. (Money Order Business) R.N. Hull, P.M. (Postmaster)
This note was obviously to be retained by Postmaster Hull as a personal keepsake. In speculation, one can only
hope Postmaster Hull also retained the serial # 500 note as well, which would have been the last Type I note from
the Challis Post Office.
A first I have seen in 20 years of collecting postal notes, this Postmasters name and title are incorporated into
his own custom cancel. Prior to 1891, stamp cancels were ordered by individual postmasters, and then were
reimbursed by the Government. This brought about a diverse variety of designs on the cancels. Towards the end of
1891, the Government supplied these cancelers directly to individual post offices in an attempt to
standardize these cancels. What was generally approved was a small circular application.
An early safeguard, implemented into postal note design, (Ty. II- Ty. V) was the use of the engraved star. The
star is located on the notes obverse in the lower right quadrant. This engraved area reads as follows: “Paying
Postmaster Must punch out this star Cancelling This Note” which in this case has been so cancelled.
According to government regulations all postal notes having been redeemed would be forwarded to the Post
Office Auditors Department in Washington, D.C. for verification. If all the information was correctly presented, the
processed note would be credited to the postmaster’s account. The note would then be moved to a secure storage
warehouse for up to seven years, and eventually sold off as waste scrap to the highest bidder. Any cashed postal
notes which escaped destruction, should be considered extremely rare.
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From September 3rd, 1883, until June 30th, 1894, 70,824,173 notes were officially issued. As of mid-January
2023, current census numbers reflect only 2,232 survivors, and of that number only 37 redeemed notes have
escaped destruction.
As always comments or questions and can be directed to me at briveadus2012@yahoo.com. I would also be
interested in hearing about any postal notes you may have.
Obverse: A Ty. II Postal Note issued for 10-cents, Feb.
3rd, 1885 by Postmaster R.N. Hull, and bearing serial
#501. The first of the Ty. II notes issued from that
location.
Reverse: The design features clearly show two
cancelation circles, issuing, and paying. Each of which
shows the same custom cancel. CHALLIS IDAHO FEB
3 1885 M.O.B. (Money Order Business) R.N. HULL
P.M. (Postmaster)
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Edward H. Stroecker and George Hutchinson –
Fairbanks, Alaska Bankers
By Frank Clark
The officer tandem of Cashier Edward Henry
Stroecker and President George Hutchinson managed,
in their respective offices, the First National Bank of
Fairbanks, Alaska from 1922-29. Below is what I
learned about the two men.
Edward H. Stroecker was born in 1878. Early
adulthood found him in San Francisco working as an
accountant. Gold was discovered in the Klondike
region of Canada in August 1896. The earliest
prospectors arrived in San Francisco and Seattle laden
with the yellow metal in July 1897. The newspapers in
those two American cities announced the gold find to
the world. Stroecker caught "Klondicitis," as it was
described in the newspapers, in 1900 and headed
north. However, he and his group did not head for the
Klondike, but to Kuskokwim River in southwest
Alaska. Successful gold exploration escaped this
mining party and they headed back to San Francisco
after a few months in the interior of Alaska.
Stroecker's second trip to Alaska was a quick
turnaround as he and a companion (whose name has
been lost to history) landed at Valdez in January
1901. In March, they proceeded to dogsled up the
Copper and Chistochina Rivers to Slate Creek, where
they prospected. As winter approached, they rafted
down the waterways to Valdez. The year 1902 saw
Stroecker mine for wages on Slate Creek and tend bar at
the Montana Saloon in Valdez. Stroecker would spend
the year 1903 with a group of miners going up the
Nizina River and then prospecting along the Chititu
Creek. This did not pan out and he moved on to try his
luck on other creeks in the area during 1904. In the fall,
the group went to the head of the White River and then
down the Tanana River to Fairbanks.
At Fairbanks, which had only recently been
incorporated, Stroecker decided to stay in one
place. Over, the next few years, his resume would
include jobs such as mining, cutting wood, cooking,
running the mail, and working at the E.R. Peeple's store
in town. He also found time to marry his wife, the
widow Mrs. Mattie Gertrude Anderson, in 1915.
The First National Bank of Fairbanks, charter
number 7718, was founded in March 1905 and survived
the National Bank Note era. Today, it is under the
KeyBank National Association umbrella. The former
accountant, Edward Stroecker, was hired by the
First National Bank of Fairbanks as cashier. He served
with President Luther C. Hess in 1921-22 and President
George Hutchinson during the years of 1922-29.
Stroecker became the president in 1930 when
Hutchinson had to step down due to poor
health. Stroecker's rubber stamped signature as cashier
appears on Series 1902 Plain Backs and his printed
signature as cashier is found on Series 1929 Type I
notes. His printed signature as president appears
on Series 1929 Type II examples and the cashier on
those Type II notes is George B(ernard) Wesch.
Stroecker died in 1954. His two sons, Edward P. and
William G., also became executives of the First
National Bank of Fairbanks.
George Hutchinson took a similar path to get to
Fairbanks. He was born in 1867 in Ontario,
Canada. He came north to the Yukon Territory during
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the Klondike Stampede gold rush at the end of the
nineteenth century. It was in the Klondike where Mr.
Hutchinson worked in the lumber trade. He found his
way to Fairbanks and was one of the organizers of the
First National Bank of Fairbanks in 1905. He climbed
up the corporate ladder at the bank. From 1910-20, he
served as the cashier. He served a short time as
vice president during 1921-22, and he achieved the
office of president in 1922.
President Hutchinson served in several community
organizations as treasurer including the municipal
government and the school board over the years. He did
not take any remuneration for his civic work.
He suffered a paralytic stroke in July 1929. He had
recovered enough by September to leave with his wife
for the warmer climate of San Diego. His health was
improving and in the spring of 1929, the Hutchinsons
sailed for Seattle. While in Seattle waiting to take the
ship, the Aleutian, back to Alaska, he had another
stroke, and died in May 1930. Mrs. Hutchinson was his
only surviving relative.
Hutchinson's rubber-stamped signature as president
is found on Series 1902 Plain Backs and his printed
signature as president is on Series 1929 Type I notes. I
could not find an example of his signature as cashier on
a large size National.
It was interesting to research these two officers of
the nation's farthest north national bank.
Announcing the SPMC online showcase of significant National
Bank Note Collections
The Society of Paper Money Collectors (SPMC.org) is proud to announce an online showcase of significant
National Bank Note Collections. The notes in each collection are listed in an easily searchable and sortable table
with links to high resolution images.
Currently there are two National Bank Note collections included:
The Huntoon Collection of U.S. National Banks Notes--Peter Huntoon assembled an incredible collection of 490
nationals between 1964 and 2006 that included notes from all 50 states and the District of Columbia as well as
comprehensive state collections for Arizona and Wyoming. Included are 25 territorial notes.
The Walton Collection of Nebraska National Bank Notes--Gerome Walton assembled between 1965 and 2021
the most comprehensive collection of Nebraska National Bank Notes yet assembled. The collection consists of 1,121
notes from 260 of the 290 Nebraska banks from which notes have been reported.
Over time, SPMC plans to include additional important National Bank Note Collections in this online showcase.
Here is a direct link to the Significant National Bank Note Collections home page:
https://content.spmc.org/wiki/Significant_National_Bank_Note_Collections
You can also link to the showcase home page from the SPMC.org website. The National Bank Note Collections
link is found under the Education & Research menu.
There are also links to this showcase on the SPMC Bank Note History wiki/website and the SPMC Collecting
Paper Money website (on the Collecting U.S. National Bank Notes home page).
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
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You Collect. We Protect.
Learn more at: www.PCGS.com/Banknote
PCGS.COM | THE STANDARD FOR THE RARE COIN INDUSTRY | FOLLOW @PCGSCOIN | ©2021 PROFESSIONAL COIN GRADING SERVICE | A DIVISION OF COLLECTORS UNIVERSE, INC.
PCGS Banknote
is the premier
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service for
paper currency.
All banknotes graded and encapsulated
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UNESCO World Heritage Sites Depicted on Bank Notes – Albania
Albania is a country in Southeastern Europe. It is located on the Adriatic and Ionian Seas within the Mediterranean
Sea and shares land borders with Montenegro to the northwest, Kosovo to the northeast, North Macedonia to the east and
Greece to the south. While there are currently four UNESCO sites in Albania, only two are shown on Albanian banknotes.
The Historic Centres of Berat and Gjirokastra well-preserved Ottoman towns, decorated with kule: Balkan-Ottoman
style tower houses. A Gjirokastra site is depicted on B225 and B226 in the Bank Note Book. Both (20 lekë) notes dated
1985, have coat of arms, National Museum of Albanian History, Tirana Hotel, Opera Hall, and bridge under construction
in Skanderbeg Square in Tirana, and mountains on the front. Enver Hoxha’s house in Gjirokastra is on the back.
Butrint, an archaeological site that provides valuable evidence of ancient and medieval civilizations on the territory of
modern Albania, is shown on two Albanian banknotes. Pick P7 (B320) and B325, 2000 Leke of 2007 and 2020
respectively have Gentius (the last king of Illyria), three ancient coins, an outline of Bank of Albania building in OVI and
the coat of arms on the front. The medicinal plant gentiana lutea (great yellow gentian, or bitter root) and ancient Butrint
amphitheater near Sarandë) are on the reverse. The newer B325 has more security features and the Butrint amphitheater is
a larger format – a better choice for an UNESCO theme banknote for your collection.
Figure 1 - B325 2000 Leke, 2020
Figure 2 - Butrint amphitheater
archeological site
UPDATE – UNESCO SITES FOUND ON WORLD BANKNOTES
Countries with UNESCO sites – 115 countries
UNESCO sites depicted on banknotes – 147 sites
Total banknotes found with UNESCO sites – 1,339 banknotes
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The Exchange Note (Billete de Canje) of Puerto Rico (1895)
by Ángel O. Navarro Zayas, PhD
Don Bartolomé Maura y Montaneri, in 1899,
was appointed to the Royal Academy of Fine Arts of
San Fernando. There in the Academy said a famous
speech and, in response to his words, the Spanish
press affirmed:ii
Mr. Maura is, in short, today, the most notable
engraver in Spain and not only the most memorable
but the most popular because if, as the saying goes:
"the king is known by the currency," by the coin is
also Maura known. In all of them, the initials B.M.
are now read.iii
Not all people of the time knew the banknotes
of the Bank of Spain, nor could they have studied
the currency. However, because he designed them,
people indirectly knew about Maura's great notoriety
in the Spanish coins and banknotesiv. In Puerto Rico,
his work is also reflected in the Puerto Rican
Provincial Peso currency and his billete de canje or
exchange note, both designs, pillars of our
numismatic history, made by this famous Spanish
engraver and artist.
In 1895, the Minister of Overseas Affairs,
Tomás Castellano, commissioned Bartolomé Maura
y Montaner, while he was artistic director of the
Fábrica Nacional de Moneda y Timbre, to write the
conditions, basis, and budget for the manufacture of
the exchange note.
In the basis for manufacture, he had to expose
how the paper money should be issued and how
much it would cost to manufacture five million one-
peso exchange notes, as a minimum. The paper
money was to be used to exchange Mexican silver
coins circulating in the Philippine Islands and the
province of Puerto Rico.
It first recognized the condition of urgency in
the manufacture of the exchange notes and focused
first on the Manufacturing Procedure.
Bartolomé Maura recognized the most
rudimentary knowledge of those that can be used
advised for the exclusion of chalcography due to the
slowness of its stamping. The typographic, for the
long time necessary for the steel engraving of its
matrices and galvanic reproduction of its clichés,
limited the creation of the paper money because It
had to be done very expeditely.
The lithographic procedure applied to the
stamping of steel plates engraved, the stamping of
dry stamps, and the automatic triple numbering on a
very resistant thread paper were the most
recommended and practical conditions to
manufacture these provisional paper money. The
circulation was going to be of limited time [twenty-
one days].
The second condition that he imposed with a
special nature of the work was the reserve, and this
made it necessary to take care of the artistic-
industrial entity that would carry it out.
The private industry could not be entrusted to
manufacture the paper money. There were no
establishments in Madrid, which had sufficient
elements to carry out the multiple and heterogeneous
operations that required the manufacture of a
banknote that had all the guarantees compatible with
the circumstances in which it was to be made.
Nor could they be manufactured in the Fábrica
Nacional de Moneda y Timbre because it lacked
lithographic presses. On the other hand, its
numerous staff and the indispensable practice of
administrative procedures necessary to start it up. It
was an almost insurmountable obstacle to carry out a
job in it, with the reservation (discretion) that the
one in question must be surrounded.
By the considerations expressed about the haste
of time and reserve with which the exchange notes
would be manufactured. Bartolomé Maura judged
that it was his duty (putting to contribution his
relations in the private industry to gather under his
direction and that of officials of his absolute
confidence, the disseminated manufacturing
elements necessary to bring this undertaking to a
successful conclusion) shall be offered to carry it out
in accordance with the following:
Basis
1st. They shall be engraved in steel, the
obverses, backgrounds and back of the bi-checkbook
banknote following the accompanying drawing.
2nd. A general matrix, a punch, and the dies
necessary for dry stamping shall be engraved in
hollow and steel.
3rd. All these effects will be formally delivered
under inventory once the operation is concluded.
4th. The stamping will be of lithographic report
and three inks; two on the obverse and one on the
back.
5th. Dry stamping shall be made.
6th. The numbering will be triple, automatic and
in carmine ink.
7th. The paper will be made of thread and
everything will be the same as the sample that is
accompanied.
8th. The binding shall be made in books of the
volume to be agreed by the Administration and the
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first and last of the numbers comprising each
volume shall be stamped on the cover.
9th. The delivery of the finished banknotes will
be made partially by remittances that will not fall
below five hundred thousand bills and by November
5 the delivery of the total of the five million marked
as minimum will have been completed.
To carry out the work of the above mentioned
basis, it will be formulated below:
Budget to manufacture a minimum of five
million bills and for the others you may need.
The remuneration for this service comprising:
original designs (see Figure 1a and Figure 1b),
without engraving at the sweet and hollow carving,
the three-ink stamping, the ringing, the automatic
triple numbering, the binding, the artistic-industrial
direction of all the manipulations, the
administration, the custody of stocks and the cost of
wages and materials is valued at three and a half
cents of Peseta each banknote of the first five
million marked as minimum and in three cents each
of the others that may be needed, in which case this
budget and its consequences would be considered
extended to a second run in which the colors of the
front and back and the dry timbre could be varied, if
it were a question of exchanging currency in another
place.
The payment will be verified in Madrid, by the
Caja del Ministro de Ultramar, in current currency
and in the form expressed below with the receipt of
the official order, a document will be accompanied
to be received the sum of thirty-five thousand
pesetas indispensable for contracting paper, inks,
machines, and other manufacturing elements.
This money advance is equivalent to the value
of the first million banknotes that are made (If a
second run is arranged, the advance would be in the
same proportion, that is, a fifth of the total amount
of it, but in respect of three cents).
Figure 1a. Obverse of exchange note; only known copy (SPECIMEN) or artist's proof with both counterfoils. This exchange note was
manufactured by the Royal Decree, of the Queen Regent María Cristina de Borbón, on August 17, 1895. This specimen is located in the
National Historical Archive of Madrid, Spain. The first time it was reported in Latin American literature was by this author in the book
Índice General de los Documentos Relativos al Canje de la Moneda Mejicana. 1895-1896 (expediente sobre canje de moneda mejicana
que circula en la isla) (2009).
Figure 1b. Exchange note reverse; only known copy (SPECIMEN) or artist's proof with both counterfoils. This exchange note was
manufactured by the Royal Decree, of the Queen Regent María Cristina de Borbón, on August 17, 1895. This specimen is located in the
National Historical Archive of Madrid, Spain. The first time it was reported in the Latin American literature was by this author in the book
Índice General de los Documentos Relativos al Canje de la Moneda Mejicana. 1895-1896 (expediente sobre canje de moneda mejicana
que circula en la isla) (2009)
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
223
Within six days following each of the
successive deliveries, payment will be made by the
Fund of said Ministry.
For the purposes of due intervention, the
contractor shall notify this Ministry of the date and
time on which the last operation is to begin, namely
the numbering of the banknotes. At its hearing, the
Ministry shall designate the officials who are to
witness this operation by drawing up a record of the
banknotes to be numbered and sealing the
machines, with the Seals of the Minister, each time
and for so long that the operation is interrupted.
Once approved, this budget shall be covered
by all the guarantees (compatible with the reserved
nature of the service) of a public contract, which
shall place at the expense of eventualities the
substantial moral and material interests. It intends
to meet its realization requires putting into play the
one that subscribes and its obligation in favor of the
State to comply with it in all its parts Madrid on
August 20, 1895. Bartolomé Maura accepted the
proposal and authorized the service subject to it,
and following the provisions of the Royal Decree of
August 17, 189, exempting from the auction
formalities. The Minister of Overseas, Tomás
Castellanov21.
When Bartolomé Maura designed the
exchange note, he did so using the technique he
used for all his engravings, in brush and in colours
(see figure 1a and 1b); the description of his style
when designing is demonstrated in the following
description of the time:
[the design]... with the tip and the burin, his
essential characters, he studied them with the
brush, in full color, instead of limiting himself to the
use of black and white drawing, as the antique
engravers proceeded, or to the use of photography,
always inaccurate in the representation of
chromatic values, as modern ones generally do. For
this reason, Maura's engravings give an impression
of colorism, relief, and vigor, which make them so
interesting, as if they were original designsvi
Figure 2a. Obverse of exchange note, with a single counterfoil on the left, used in Puerto Rico (exchange note from the private
collection of Dr. Francis Zayas Montalvo, photograph used with his permission).
Figure 2b. Reverse of exchange note, with a single counterfoil on the left, used in Puerto Rico (exchange note from the private
collection of Dr. Francis Zayas Montalvo, photograph used with his permission).
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
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These exchange notes (figures 2a and 2b),
which were manufactured in Spain under the Royal
Decree of August 16, were issued and used for 21
days in some 42 places in Puerto Rico to be
exchanged for Mexican currency. The counterfoil
tickets had attached checkbooks on both sides of the
counterfoil; each ticket or counterfoil and its
respective checkbooks bore the same numbering.
The exchange notes or paper money was exchanged
to all persons carrying Mexican pesos; a checkbook
was retained by the officer in charge of the
monetary exchange. When the new Peso
Provinciales (Puerto Rican provincial currency)
arrived in Puerto Rico, the Exchange Notes were
redeemed to the bearer for the new currency. The
exchange of the new Pesos (Puerto Rican provincial
currency) arrived from Spain, for the Exchange
Notes, this new exchange was made within eight
days.
There has been much uncertainty about the
amount of cash in circulation in Puerto Rico.
Estimates varied greatly, some estimates were much
higher than others. The estimate accepted by the
Spanish authorities turned out to be excessive.
There was a minting of provincial coins for Puerto
Rico, in the years 1895 and 1896, in the Mint of
Madrid, of the following denominations in silver:
Figure 3. Total manufacture of all denominations of provincial
coins minted Puerto Rico.
Of this amount, only 6,426,395 Pesos were
used. The rest was returned to Spain during the
years 1896-1897. Although the expenses of the
exchange were very large, the difference between
the value of the silver of the new coins (provincial
peso) and the difference in the value of the silver of
the old coins (Mexican currency) provided a
sufficient margin that would give a net profit of the
complete transaction of P 480,000 Pesos gold. The
gold coins were sent to Puerto Rico in the form of 5
Pesos gold coins, which are legally valued to
circulate at the rate of 1.20 pesos. Of this amount,
410,916 Pesos were exported to Spain in early 1898
to be used in the construction of a Spanish ship
called "Puerto Rico", which was never built and left
a balance of only 69,084 Pesos, which remained in
Puerto Rico. While this amount of gold appeared in
most of the securities of monetary circulation in
Puerto Rico during 1898, it was not part of the
circulating coins. The markets were valued with a
high premium, but the coins remained largely
treasured or as souvenirs.
In Puerto Rico, another currency that deserves
attention in this period is the Puerto Rican metallic
coin of Spanish copper. 70,000 Pesos of these
Spanish copper coins were sent to Puerto Rico in
1895. As this monetary unit was less valuable in
Puerto Rico than in Spain, copper currency began to
flow back into Spain under the force of Gresham's
Law. Between 20,000 to 25,000 Pesos of the copper
currency were remitted by merchants to Spain,
according to the Deputy Governor of the Spanish
Bank of Puerto Rico, before the authorities realized
the fact that the coins were being exported. To
prevent copper coins from being exhausted in
Puerto Rico, the remaining copper coins were holed
and mutilated. They made the coin lose the
privilege of having legal circulation in Spain. In
1896, the Minister of Ultramar, Tomás Castellano,
affirmed before the Cortes that there were thirty-
three different types of bronze coins in Puerto Rico
at the time of the exchange of the Mexican silver
coin in circulation and eighteen types of silver
coinsvii.
The billete of canje (1895), or paper money
designed by Bartolomé Maura y Montaner and the
Provincial Peso and its fractional silver coins, is an
intrinsic part of the numismatic history of Puerto
Rico in the late nineteenth century. Historians and
numismatists recognize that these pieces of our
economic history are inherent to the Hispanic
heritage and culture of Puerto Rico.
Acknowledgments
I am in a debt of gratitude to Mr. Andy Newman and Mr. Leonard Augsberger for awarding me the Eric P.
Newman Numismatic Education Society (EPNNES), 2020 and 2022 Grant. Also, I wish to thank Mr. Christopher
McDowell, Dr. Jesse Kraft, Dr. David Yoon, and Dr. Andrew Reinhard for their support in my previous research
endeavors. Thank you to Dr. Damaris Mercado, the first woman president of the Puerto Rican Numismatic Society,
and my friend and numismatic mentor, Dr. Jorge Crespo Armáiz. To my parents, Dr. Nelson Navarro Ramas and
Flor del Carmen Zayas Yordán, thank you for being the best of them all. I thank my beautiful, patient, and caring
wife, Pilar Cristina, for being the Pillar of our home. To my two young sons, Lucas Mateo and Matías Manuel, you
boys make us proud, and I hope you someday love history and numismatics like Papá.
1 Peso 8.500.021
40 cents 290.000'80
20 cents 670.001'20
10 cents 70.000'60
5 cents 30.000’30
TOTAL 9.560.023’90
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225
Bibliogaphy
Primary Sources
National Historical Archive, Ultramar, 6316, exp. 4, doc. 8. Expte. sobre canje de moneda mejicana que circula en la isla.
Secondary Sources
Enrique Vaquer Atencia, Bartolomé Maura y Montaner, Hijo Ilustre de Palma. Estudio Biográfico hecho por D. Enrique Vaquer
Atencia y leído por D. Antonio Piña, jefe del Negociado de Alcaldía, en el Salón de la Solemne Proclamación (Palma de Mallorca:
Imprenta de J. Tous, 7-8).
La Ilustración Española y Americana, April 15, 1899, number XIV, 214.
La Ilustración Española y Americana, April 22, 1899, number XV, 231.
Navarro Zayas, A. O. (2022). El canje de la moneda mexicana por el peso provincial en Puerto Rico (1895-1896) y Bartolomé
Maura y Montaner. Documenta & Instrumenta - Documenta et Instrumenta, 20, 183-209.
Navarro Zayas, A.O. The billete de canje of Puerto Rico (1895) and it’s designer: Bartolomé Maura y Montaner (Numiexpo,
2015).
Navarro-Zayas, A.O. 2011. “Canje de la Moneda en Puerto Rico. Discursos Pronunciados por Don Tomás Castellano Ministro
de Ultramar en las Sesiones del Congreso de los días 6 y 8 de Agosto de 1896 y en la del Senado del 11 del mismo mes y año. Cartas de
los Gobernadores de P.R.” (Annotated facsimile edition). Lulu enterprises. p. 203. https://nnp.wustl.edu/library/book/605836.
i Navarro Zayas, A. O. (2022). El canje de la moneda mexicana por el peso provincial en Puerto Rico (1895-1896) y Bartolomé Maura y
Montaner. Documenta & Instrumenta - Documenta et Instrumenta, 20, 183-209.
ii Navarro Zayas, A.O. The billete de canje of Puerto Rico (1895) and it’s designer: Bartolomé Maura y Montaner (Numiexpo, 2015).
iii La Ilustración Española y Americana, April 22, 1899, number XV, 231.
iv La Ilustración Española y Americana, April 15, 1899, number XIV, 214.
v National Historical Archive, Ultramar, 6316, exp. 4, doc. 8. Expte. sobre canje de moneda mejicana que circula en la isla.
vi Enrique Vaquer Atencia, Bartolomé Maura y Montaner, Hijo Ilustre de Palma. Estudio Biográfico hecho por
D. Enrique Vaquer Atencia y leído por D. Antonio Piña, jefe del Negociado de Alcaldía, en el Salón de la Solemne Proclamación
(Palma de Mallorca: Imprenta de J. Tous, 7-8).
vii Navarro-Zayas, A.O. 2011. “Canje de la Moneda en Puerto Rico. Discursos Pronunciados por Don Tomás Castellano Ministro de
Ultramar en las Sesiones del Congreso de los días 6 y 8 de Agosto de 1896 y en la del Senado del 11 del mismo mes y año. Cartas de los
Gobernadores de P.R.” (Annotated facsimile edition). Lulu enterprises. p. 203. https://nnp.wustl.edu/library/book/605836.
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
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132 East Second St.
Port Clinton, OH 43452-1115
New Fifth Edition shipping in March. Order
your copy today for earliest shipping.
419 349 1872
fredschwan@yahoo.com
224 large format pages • full color throughout
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U N C O U P L E D :
PAPER MONEY’S
ODD COUPLE
Joseph E. Boling Fred Schwan
More on “The Obsolete Corner”
Last issue Robert Gill showed us an uncut sheet
from the Bank of Greensborough, Georgia, and
reported some of its checkered history. The bank
seemed to have several lives under different
management teams, but in the end joined the ranks of
failed banks in the immediate ante-bellum decades. He
wondered whether the bank’s officers might have had
access to the plates for the bank’s notes, and continued
to print from them even though there was no office
open where notes could be redeemed.
Let me propose a different scenario. It often
happened that notes of a failed bank (even unissued
ones) came into the hands of shysters who continued to
circulate them far from home. As soon as a bank failure
was listed in the bank note reporters of the day, that
scheme failed because many merchants and all bankers
subscribed to the reporters, and would quickly know
that the bank’s notes had no value.
The next step would be to alter the existing notes—
change them slightly so that they were no longer
associated with the failed bank. The simplest way to do
this was to change the address—show a different state
as the state of issue. This was especially effective if
there was a same-named bank already operating in a
city of the same name in that other state. The next
simplest was to change both the state and the city,
which worked well when the chosen city had a bank of
the same name. Least easy was to change the name of
the bank on the worthless notes—that required a lot
more skill and effort. But skilled engravers were
around—all they had to do was agree to be involved.
The notes of the Bank of Greensborough were used
in at least two of these approaches. Before looking at
how, note that all of these notes are uniface (except for
the image of the protector that is also applied to the
backs), and none shows any obvious signs of alteration
on the back.
See Boling page 230
State war bonus bonds
When Joe and I created World War II
Remembered in 1995, we were quite excited by our
inclusion of war bonds from many countries. This was
an important innovation and we have mentioned it
before. Today I want to discuss a tiny subset that we
also introduced in 1995, but which have hardly been
considered since then—veterans’ bonus bonds.
Many states paid bonuses to their citizens who had
served in World War II. Such payments had been made
in World War I and before, and such bonuses were paid
after later conflicts. Ohio and Pennsylvania paid
bonuses for service in Vietnam. How many states paid
for World War II, or for that matter, for Vietnam? I do
not know, but I do know that the numismatic aspects of
these payments have been entirely ignored.
Obviously, the checks issued to pay veterans
would be great numismatic items, but it is unlikely that
you will ever find one of those. Fortunately, there is a
twist. Most if not all of the states issued bonds to
finance the bonus payments. At least some of these
bonds remain for collectors today!
In 1995 we knew only of veterans’ bonds for the
state of Michigan. I do not recall when or how I located
the bond that we illustrated in Remembered, but it was
in my collection. It is telling and a bit funny that I have
to show you the black and white image from 1995
because even though the piece is still in my collection,
I do not know where it is. I have not seen it in years.
Make that decades.
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
228
That, however, does not mean that I have not
found anything regarding the Michigan bonds. The
miracle of the internet led me to the amazing news
photograph of Michigan Veterans’ Bonds being
machine-signed. See the nearby photograph with the
great caption that appears on the back of the original
photograph.
A signograph machine is used March 18 [1947] in
New York to sign $1,000 bonds, part of a $200,000,000
bond issue being raised to provide bonus payments for
Michigan men and women veterans of World War II.
Left to right: Mrs. Opal Whitford, Keeper of the Great
Seal of Michigan; Frederick M. Alger, Jr., Michigan
Secretary of State; J. Dean Stanley, Municipal Finance
Commission consultant of Michigan, and D. Hale
Brake, state treasurer. Associated Press Photo, GFR
119 pes 3.18.47 JDC 7 Dt-CX Bureau-DT Bureau
It took at least ten years after the publication of
Remembered to find anything more on the subject of
World War II veterans’ bonds. I was driving hard in a
rental car in rural New York state when I came upon a
large antique mall. I did not have time, but I could not
resist. I had to go in. My wife insisted that we were
going to miss our train. I begged for ten minutes and
sprinted into the place.
I have been in many antique malls. This was a big
one. I loathe asking for suggestions rather than
browsing, but I was desperate. I asked for “World War
II stuff.” Confirming my bias, that was a waste of
twenty valuable seconds. It got worse before it got
better. Only near the door on the way out empty handed
did I decide to spend a few minutes in the book booth.
There it was–The Empire State at War: World War II
by Karl Drew Hartzell. State of New York 1949. It was
big—I knew that I would like it and headed for the car
and a lecture with my treasure.
I did not have a chance to look at it until I got on
the train for home (we made it with plenty of seconds
to spare). Of course government histories tend to be
dreadfully boring, but also often full of information
seldom found elsewhere. The book was indexed very
nicely and had an entry for “veteran’s bonus!”
In a longer discussion was one paragraph that
summarizes the situation nicely.
“The New York State constitution prohibits the
borrowing of funds by the State for making gifts to
private individuals. For that reason one early bonus
law, 1920, had been declared unconstitutional. After a
delay of four years it was found necessary to pass a
Constitutional amendment providing specifically for
the borrowing of moneys to pay the bonus. In the light
of the earlier experience, the committee finally
recommended a concurrent resolution of the
Legislature proposing an amendment to Article VII of
the State Constitution to authorize a bond issue in the
exact amount of 400 million dollars for payment of a
soldiers’ bonus. The amendment was made as specific
as possible to give voters a clear program on which to
vote. The concurrent resolution was passed by the
Legislature in 1946 and 1947, and approved by the
people at the November elections. Certainly no bonus
can compensate veterans for their sacrifices but it can
at least express a people’s sense of gratitude.”
This paragraph certainly gives more information
than I could ever have expected to find on any one state
and probably outlines the general idea for many if not
most states. If you are really into the legalese of the
matter, send me an email and I will send you the entire
entry (fredschwan@yahoo.com).
The strange thing is that I have no recollection of
when or how I found the New York Bonus Bonds that
are now in my collection. There were at least two
different bonds. In the crudest comparison I have a red
and a blue bond. They were both issued in 1948 and
were American Bank Note Company products. The
two bonds that I have seen were issued for $10,000
each. The denominations were entered at the time of
purchase so the number of possible denominations may
have been wide or narrow. The sample size is small but
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
229
the two serial numbers seen are low: 189 and 193.
There are some technical differences in the
provisions, but until I can find more time to compare, I
think that the red and blue distinctions are enough.
After another long dry spell in the pursuit of
World War II bonus bonds, I got two different states in
one evening—sort of. I found a beautiful specimen
State of California $1000 1943 veterans’ bond. After I
concluded the purchase of the bond, the seller sent me
a scan and offered
me a State of
Louisiana $1000
bond at the same
price as the
California piece. Of course I jumped on it and promptly
sent payment. Also promptly the California piece
arrived but the seller explained that he could not find
the Louisiana piece! Of course, I of all people dare not
criticize someone for this problem, which I face
frequently. The good news is that we do have the image
and one wonderful question. The text identifies the
bond as being of Series A, suggesting that there might
be additional series.
Those are the
bonds that I can
confirm as being in
collections
(perhaps we should
not count Louisiana
yet), but I can
confirm and
speculate on some
others being issued.
The Service Recognition Board of Springfield, Illinois
issued a pamphlet: General Rules for Payment of
World War II Bonus. There is a very good chance that
Illinois issued bonds to fund the bonus payments.
Alternatively, or in addition, Illinois (or the other states
above) could have issued the bonus in the form of a
bond, but it seems certain that Illinois had something. I
do not know what it means, but they are not rare.
Connecticut paid veterans’ bonuses. We know this
because I found a notice that was included with the
check paid to a Connecticut veteran under the World
War II Veterans’ Bonus Act. It is very unlikely that we
will find any uncashed bonus checks; it might be
possible to find more items like this that were
associated with a paid bonus.
So that completes what I know about state bonus
bonds and payments. This is an area where there must
be readers who have some information. Please help me
fill in some of the other state issues!
fredschwan@yahoo.com
Boling continued
Figures 1 and 2 show $5 notes of an early issue
from the bank. Gill reported that the second emission
of notes was dated May 2nd 1857 in the plates. The
notes in figures 1 and 2 have that date, but hand-
written. The hand-signed signatures (Peden and Thom
(?)) do not match any of the names that Gill showed as
principal stockholders. One wonders if these were real
people. Note that these early notes have two imprints—
Bald, Cousland & Co (lower left margin), and Baldwin,
Bald and Cousland (lower right).
Figure 1 (above) and Figure 2 (below)
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Figure 3 shows the word “Georgia” in the upper
right margin of the figure 1 note. It is paired with the
words “State of” at the other end of the bank name.
In figure 4 those words have been obliterated and
changed in pen-and-ink to “New York.” “New York”
has also been added to the note in the same hand below
the center vignette. This is the crudest attempt to re-
locate a note that I have seen. As the Heritage cataloger
said, anyone who was taken in by this alteration
deserved to be swindled. The problem with this
approach, even if it had been done skillfully, is that
there is no bank with this title in NY state or in New
York City.
Figures 5 through 10 show a more intelligent
approach to fraud. In this case the title and state of a
real bank have been used—the New London Bank of
New London, Connecticut. The bank title, city, and
state have all been changed. Figures 5-7 show a $1
note. On the original note the city is engraved in a script
font at lower left on the same line as the date, June 1st,
1858; it is removed and replaced with a block font on
the altered note.
Here the plot thickens a bit. Now the signatures
are of the sheriff and stockholder whom Gill described,
and the notes have been printed by ABNC (see their
logo in the left margin). The second of the original
imprints is gone. As an ABN
product, it is very unlikely
that the plates were released
to anyone in the bank. It
appears that somebody
received a quantity of
finished notes that survived
the bank’s close. It is
unusual to see notes of this
period with the signatures in
the plate. That also raises some questions about intent
when the notes were ordered.
Figure 3
Figure 4
Figure 5 (genuine note above and city in script font below)
Figure 6 (altered note above and city in block font below)
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
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The bank title is the most important change to
make. It might not have been the most difficult—the
city name had to deal with the ONE blue protector, part
of which was damaged. But the most obvious feature
that was going to be changed was the title—nothing
was being done to the vignettes. All of the alterations
are intaglio, and a pretty good job was done.
Figures 8-10 show the same changes on a $5 note.
In this case the city name is near the top of the note,
and here involves the FIVE protector, which again was
damaged, but the effect is not very conspicuous. More
obvious on this note is the damage to the right
signature. On the $1 note that signature was modified,
but still came through as showing legitimate wear. On
the $5 note it is hard to see what was intended—it’s a
real mess.
The person removing and replacing elements on
these two 1858 notes was very skilled. Removing an
intaglio element involves a combination of abrasion (or
chipping) and perhaps some chemicals. One expects
the underlying paper to have been damaged. Holding
either of these notes to a light reveals no thin spots and
no darkening. Under the right light, the $5 note shows
some restoration of the paper surface (see the white
area around “BANK” in the title in figure 10). It seems
that some kind of paint was applied to repair damage
and build the paper up again, but it is pretty subtle. In-
hand that is barely noticeable. The only problem area
on this note is the right signature.
And what of the last
signatures to appear on this bank’s
notes—the Stevens brothers, whose
sheet was in last month’s Gill
column? Were those notes ever
circulated? I await my next altered
piece from the bank.
Figure 7 (Connecticut added)
Figure 9 (lightened area around BANK & damaged counter)
Figure 10
(white area at top and damaged signature at bottom)
Figure 8 (genuine note)
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
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Another Dispatch from the War on Cash: the Nigerian Front
In December 2022, this column looked back at
India’s quixotic attempt to demonetize the bulk of its
circulating rupee banknotes. Undertaken in late 2016, the
Indian authorities called in all high-denomination notes
in order to replace them with new issues. Cash holders
who could not explain the origins and size of their
balances risked having them confiscated. Hoards
outstanding after the redemption date expired as
worthless. The motives for this policy seemed to boil
down to a basic ambivalence about cash itself. People’s
desire to hold their wealth and transact using paper
currency—the freedom that physical money gives
them—is increasingly regarded by governments as an
inconvenient barrier to the exercise of their power.
As that column appeared, another campaign against
cash was brewing, this time in Nigeria. In October 2022,
the Central Bank of Nigeria’s governor Godwin
Emefiele announced an exchange of all banknotes in
denominations of 200, 500, and 1,000 naira. In exchange
for their old naira, Nigerians were promised supplies of
new, “redesigned” naira notes (basically, their color
changed). Nigeria’s president Muhammadu Buhari
unveiled the new note series in November, and these
went into circulation on December 15. Nigerians had
until January 31, 2023, to exchange their notes, after
which they would lose their legal tender.
Governor Emefiele gave several reasons for
Nigeria’s currency exchange. Too much currency was
being hoarded outside the banking system, he argued.
The effect was inflationary and encouraged corruption
(vote-buying by politicians flush with cash is a Nigerian
specialty). Curbing cash would also deter criminal
extortion and racketeering, in particular kidnappings for
ransom (also a Nigerian specialty). A new note series
would foil counterfeiters. Finally—and this justification
overlapped with all the others—a swap of old naira for
new would encourage a trend towards digital payments
favoring the use of “eNaira”, the country’s central bank
digital currency established in 2021. Going cashless,
Emefiele promised, would somehow make the economy
more “inclusive” (that magic word!).
The results so far have been disastrous.
Obeying the authorities’ deadline, millions of
Nigerians duly deposited their old naira in the banking
system, only to find out later that there wasn’t enough
new naira to meet their demand for withdrawals. The
resulting currency shortages have throttled trade,
disrupted Nigeria’s large, cash-dependent informal
sector, and damaged the overall economy. By February
2023 the country descended into widespread civil unrest,
with bank buildings torched and their ATMs
destroyed—all while a presidential election was
underway. Thanks to an intervention by the country’s
supreme court, the old exchange deadline was
suspended. Old naira banknotes now remain legal tender
and will stay in circulation until the end of 2023.
Throughout this turmoil, it has been disputed why
the Nigerian authorities messed up so completely. Not to
put too fine a point on it, Nigeria is a badly run place,
renowned for its corruption. Unusually for Africa,
Nigeria prints its own banknotes, and the underlying
problem may have simply been that its official printer
couldn’t produce new notes fast enough to replace the
old ones. Allegations also abounded that bank managers
responsible for distributing supplies of the new notes set
them aside in hopes of selling them at a profit.
The cynical take on this is that governor Emefiele
engineered the currency crunch in retaliation for not
being anointed as Buhari’s electoral heir apparent.
While Emefiele, the outgoing president Buhari, and the
incoming president Bola Tinubu all hail from the same
political party, the sheer idea of a naira swap seemed to
benefit more the opposition parties than the incumbents.
Given how entrenched cash-fueled vote buying is in
Nigerian politics, the opposition might have felt it had
nothing to lose from its restriction. At the very least,
they hoped to benefit electorally from the chaos
unleashed by the government’s naira policy. Indeed, one
effect of the currency debacle was to drive down voter
turnout in the election, as many cash-bereft citizens
couldn’t even afford to travel to the polls. Yet which
party this low turnout would’ve most benefited remains
unclear.
A more charitable interpretation of this episode
would take Emefiele’s stated motives at face value.
Nigeria’s annual inflation rate of over 20% is a real
problem. Unlike the Indian authorities, the Nigerians
didn’t try to flush out or otherwise demonetize cash
balances associated with illegal or corrupt activities.
Instead, it was the simple fact that some 80% of the
country’s currency circulates outside of the banking
system which central banker Emefiele found
problematic. Much as communist countries once
collectivized agriculture heedlessly, out of a hatred of
private property, government bureaucrats who view
digital payments as the wave of the future now regard
crackdowns on cash use as justified, no matter how
stupid or brutal the policy, no matter the human cost.
Chump Change
Loren Gatch
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The Obsolete Corner
The Corn Exchange Bank
by Robert Gill
Well, Summer is just around the corner, and so far,
the year has been good to me in regard to my paper
money collecting. I have picked up a nice sheet that
upgraded my collection by quite a bit. I hope it
continues, as I have some big plans for the future in
reference to researching this wonderful hobby. But
now, let’s look at the sheet from my collection that I’ve
chosen to share with you.
In this issue of Paper Money let’s go up North,
and look at The Corn Exchange Bank, that was located
in Waupun, Wisconsin, back during obsolete days.
The notes are by no means rare, in fact, very common
in “sheets” and “singles”. But it is the history that
makes this old bank so interesting.
In 1857, William Hobkirk was the force
behind the securing of a charter and opening The Corn
Exchange Bank in Waupun, Wisconsin. It was located
in a stone building on the South side of Main Street,
erected by Hobkirk just for the purpose of operating
the Bank. This institution was organized under State
Law as a “bank of issue” with a capital of $50,000.
Hobkirk served as Cashier.
When State Banks were compelled to withdraw
their circulation because of high taxes purposely
imposed by the National Bank Act, this institution
continued on in general banking business.
The saga of this institution is best understood
when the actions of Cashier Hobkirk are clearly
understood.
Never during the history of Waupun has an event
occurred which can be compared with what Hobkirk
did to The Corn Exchange Bank. He had resided in
Waupun upwards of twenty-five years and enjoyed the
most unbounded confidence of all. When it was
revealed that the Bank had closed, the wildest
excitement prevailed. The details of the matter are as
follows.
The Bank had been for some time without any
officers except for a Cashier and Teller. It was on a
Friday evening in August of 1875 that Hobkirk took
the train, saying that he was going to Iowa, and would
be absent a few days. The next day, the Teller, C.W.
Henning, was unable to unlock the currency safe in the
vault. Not wishing to take the responsibility of forcing
an entrance to the safe, he immediately telegraphed to
Chicago for $10,000, and to New York for $7,000, for
Bank business use until Hobkirk's return. Later in the
day, he was informed by telegraph from the Chicago
bank that Hobkirk had appeared there, taking $8,000 in
currency, after his (Henning's) order for funds had
been received. This very naturally aroused Henning's
suspicions. On Monday morning, he asked for
assistance from someone in Milwaukee, a Mr. D.
Ferguson. After arriving on the evening train,
Ferguson investigated matters and returned to
Milwaukee. Upon consulting with competent advisers
the next day, he telegraphed word to close the doors to
The Corn Exchange Bank, which Henning obeyed.
Developments show a well laid plot, on the part of
Hobkirk, to get away with the bulk of the funds of the
Bank. The safe in the vault was used for surplus
currency not needed for immediate use, and on Friday,
contained $17,500. Aside from this, there was $5,000
in the vault, which under ordinary circumstances, with
deposits, would have been sufficient to do business for
several days. It was supposed that Hobkirk took the
$17,500 from the safe, changed the combination of the
locks and locked it up, anticipating that several days
would elapse before any suspicions were aroused. And
if the Teller had not needed the money on Saturday,
Hobkirk's actions would have probably remained
unknown for a few days longer.
Of the amount of funds Hobkirk took with him,
nothing definite is known. But it is supposed that he
took the $17,500 from the safe, which, with the $8,000
drawn in Chicago, and $6,000 realized on a check
which he drew on New York, added up to $31,500.
A few days later, at the request of the Teller, a
safe opening expert was summoned from Chicago to
open the safe. But before his arrival, the Bank was
taken possession of by the County Sheriff, and its
assets were confiscated. The Bank's creditors held
several meetings about what course to pursue in the
matter. And it was discovered that all of Hobkirk’s
real estate had been deeded to someone else several
days before his departure.
After failure of The Corn Exchange Bank, the
village of Waupun went for several months without a
bank. It was in early 1876 that Almon Atwood, a
Waupun resident, opened The Citizens Bank in the
building that had been the place of operation of the
failed Bank.
William Hobkirk, who will be remembered as The
Corn Exchange Bank swindler of Waupun, tired of his
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voluntary exile, returned to the area after two years,
and turned himself in to authorities.
At best, this experience was a hard blow for
Waupun, and from what it took some time to recover.
Many of the depositors lost their total earthly
possessions; money scraped together by hard labor and
put away for a "rainy day".
So there’s the history behind this old bank. And its
outcome was the norm; the people that supported it are
the ones that lost.
I invite any comments to my personal email address
robertdalegill@gmail.com or my cell phone (580) 221-
0898.
So, until next time, HAPPY COLLECTING!
As I always do, I invite any comments to my
cell phone number (580) 221-0898, or my
personal email address robertgill@cableone.net
So, until next time, HAPPY COLLECTING.
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
235
The front of the Type-40 Treasury note endorsed by Maj. John C. Palmer, Commissary of Subsistence.
image: Richard Lee Herron
Maj. John Coleman Palmer, CS
Hindman’s Division
This Quartermaster Column features a new
endorsement. After roughly two decades of
searching, a new military endorsement is now a rarity
which occurs only once or twice a year. With this
new discovery from Richard Lee Herron we have
now identified 275 unique military endorsements.
Herron correctly identified it from original
documents in the National Archives, where we find
forty documents in the Officer files for John C.
Palmer. Although Palmer is from Arkansas, there are
no documents listed for him in that state.
1862 Following the Battle of Shiloh, John
C. Palmer from Arkansas was appointed on April 17th
as a Major and Commissary of Subsistence, reporting
to the 1st Brigade, Gen’l Thomas C. Hindman’s
Division. His commission was confirmed on the
same day, taking rank retroactively to March 29th,
and accepted on May 26th. Maj. Palmer was ordered
to proceed on May 26th with Gen’l Hindman’s new
command of Arkansas, Missouri, the Indian
Territory, and Louisiana north of the Red River, all in
the Trans-Mississippi District.1 Palmer signed
documents as Maj. & Chief Commissary, Trans-
Mississippi District, at Little Rock, Arkansas, from
October 25th to November 12th. On November 26th
Palmer was relieved as Acting Chief Commissary of
Subsistence and ordered to report to the 1st Corps,
Gen’l Hindman commanding. Hindman lost the
Battle of Van Buren on December 28th, and retreated
to Little Rock, Arkansas.
1863 On January 30th Gen’l Hindman was
ordered to Vicksburg, Mississippi, to await orders.
The illustrated Treasury note was endorsed on
February 9th, 1863. The endorsement reads:
“Issued Feby 9 1863
John C. Palmer
Maj & CS”
The Quartermaster Column No. 30
by Michael McNeil
The endorsement of John C. Palmer, Maj. & CS.
image: Richard Lee Herron
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Writing letters on May 18th and June 25th at
Camp Bragg, near Selma, Alabama, Palmer discussed
issues relating to his bond with the Secretary of War.
Writing on July 22nd from Camp Morgan at Selma,
Palmer noted that “It has been very dull and we have
been looking for orders to go somewhere; but up to
this time Gen. Hindman has not received his orders,
although he has concluded the labors of the Court of
Inquiry and made his own report of his proceedings
in Ark., which proved satisfactory to the President
and Sec. of War. He is promised a fine command.”
This is an interesting comment from Palmer, and its
context can be found in the Wikipedia article
reference.1 Hindman was a very controversial actor in
Arkansas, and brought controversy with him to other
commands.
Palmer signed a voucher for 1,646 beef hides
for $17,050.50 on November 22nd at Columbus,
Georgia, and another voucher on December 31st at
Dalton, Georgia. During the reorganization of the
army in late December after Johnston replaced
Bragg, Hindman temporarily commanded a corps
until Gen’l Hood arrived to take command.
1864 Hindman began to support the
arming of slaves and did not want to serve under
Hood. He threatened resignation but was reassigned
to command a division, and Palmer signed a return as
a Maj. & CS of Hindman’s Division in February. The
last record from Palmer is a voucher signed on March
31st near Dalton, Georgia, as a Maj. & CS.
1867 Gen’l Hindman fled to Mexico at the
end of the Civil War and befriended the Emperor
Maximilian. Just before the overthrow and execution
of Maximilian, Hindman returned to Helena,
Arkansas, and asked for a pardon from President
Johnson, which was denied. He eventually resumed a
legal practice in Arkansas with John C. Palmer.1
Charles Derby provided many details on
Palmer’s life. John Coleman Palmer was born May
12th, 1823 at Lexington, Kentucky and died on May
1st, 1900 at Brinkley, Arkansas. He graduated in law
from Transylvania University in Lexington in 1845
and in September set up his own law firm in Helena,
Arkansas. He served as 1st Sergeant in Colonel
Archibald Yell’s Arkansas Cavalry in 1846 in the
Mexican War. Thomas Hindman became a partner in
1856. Palmer was married on January 29th, 1852, to
Margaret Esther Shell. He resided in Arkansas after
the Civil War and practiced law until his death.
◘ Carpe diem
References:
1. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_C._Hindman, accessed 19 February 2023.
Quartermaster Column No.29
UPDATE: Hugh McDowell McElrath
Charles Derby, whose internet research skills
far surpass mine, solved the mysteries of Maj. Hugh
McDowell McElrath’s name and his disappearance in
late 1863 ― he died at the age of 48 on October 1st,
1863, and was buried at Calhoun Community
Cemetery in McMinn County, Tennessee.
McElrath was born on September 6th, 1815,
to John McElrath and Elizabeth McDowell at
Morganton, North Carolina. After Major McElrath’s
death, his paroled wife, Elizabeth Lowrey Morgan
McElrath, made a journey to Washington, D. C., to
resolve her problems with none other than President
Abraham Lincoln. Her description of her audience
with President Lincoln is a treasure, not only for its
description of the effort Lincoln took to meet with his
constituents, but also its character descriptions of the
people Lincoln had to deal with. There were far
fewer degrees of freedom between a common citizen
in 1864 and the President than we have now today. A
scene like this is unfortunately unimaginable today.
The following essay from Elizabeth
McElrath and images of her and her husband are
courtesy of Rob Melton, who kindly gave me
permission to use them in this column. Here is
Elizabeth McElrath’s vivid description of her
encounter with Abraham Lincoln:
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A REBEL WOMAN’S VISIT TO PRESIDENT
LINCOLN
By Elizabeth Morgan McElrath
On the 14th of July 1864, I was arrested at my
home in Tennessee for my “rebellious walk and
conversation” and after various trying episodes,
found myself on the morning of September 15th at
Willard’s in Washington.
With a heart torn with conflicting hopes and
fears I had left Nashville under a parole and gone to
Washington to implore the clemency of the President.
Arriving at night, the next morning I ordered a
carriage and was whirled up to the White House
where I soon found an usher to take up my card,
having previously written on the back a beseeching
prayer for an immediate audience. It was returned
with the information that the President was engaged
with five senators and four governors and could not
see me. I did not know just what to do, but hearing
two ladies from Baltimore venting their disgust at
having made four trips from that city to see the
President, and failed each time, I with a willpower
born of the circumstances that environed me,
determined to wait, if it should be for a week, right in
the ante-room. This was crowded with a mixed
multitude exhibiting various degrees of impatience
and all, like myself, waiting for an audience. For four
mortal hours, I, poor lonely rebel, the solitary
representative of a desperate cause, sat and watched
the seething, moving crowd and rather enjoyed their
ejaculations of impatience and disgust. One tall,
seedy looking individual, having the appearance of a
used up politition or a chronic office seeker, stalked
through the room muttering his thunder and asserting
in rather unmeasured terms – “that it was as much
and more to the President’s interests to give him an
audience than it was his to see him.” Another to
whom I was particularly attracted was a young
“greenhorn” in a spick and span new suit of citizen’s
clothes with a stiff pair of yellow gloves on his
enormous hands – hands that the poor fellow in his
new “court dress” found superfluous appendages and
could not dispose of to his satisfaction. Sometimes
they spraddled their capacious grasp over each knee,
then up they would go in a vain attempt to hide in his
pockets, then settle hopelessly on his knees again.
One poor old woman with a thin striped shawl upon
her shoulders, addressed me several times, saying,
“Don’t it take a long time for him to git ready” and
“Haint you tired of waiting?” Tired! I was worn out,
but just as I had reached the very limits of endurance
we heard the glad “Open Sesame” proclaimed by the
usher and what a rush then for the audience chamber!
From sheer weariness some of the crowd had
dispersed but there were quite a number of us left.
I knew nothing about the modus operandi of
approaching potentates and powers, and so followed
in the wake of those whom I supposed had made the
“grand entree” before. I suppose the room was the
library. It was very large and the walls were covered
with maps and charts and several well-filled
bookcases. The men all ranged themselves on one
side of the room and the women fell into line on the
other, just like a spelling match at a country school.
The President sat behind a long table covered
with green baize and had a worn and weary
expression on his face that was not dissipated when
the seedy individual advanced with a profound bow
and presented his scrap of paper. I did not hear the
colloquy but a very few moments ended his dream of
glory and he backed out of the Presence. When the
Elizabeth Lowrey Morgan McElrath
wife of Major Hugh McDowell McElrath
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poor greenhorn’s turn came he looked as if he would
shake to pieces before he arrived at the “port of
delivery” across the table. The President hastily
scanned his credentials and with a voice hurled with
all the force of scorn against his new coat and yellow
gloves, said “You go back to your regiment sir!” The
poor fellow withered beneath that sirocco and got out
as fast as he could. One after another handed in their
petitions and retired, some looking glad and some
disappointed. When the old woman in the shawl went
up, the President handed her paper back saying,
“Why my good woman your business is with a
Justice of the Peace, not me.” As the ranks of
petitioners were thinning I thought I had better pluck
up heard of grace and go forward. But I had no
written petition! I did not know that it was necessary,
but as I sat in the ante-room I had found in my pocket
an old letter that I had written to the President six
weeks before but never mailed, so in default of
something better, I concluded to present that as a
something to inaugurate my talk. I was a prisoner on
parole but neither felt nor affected the humiliation
that such a state imposes. Had I been a man I should
have trembled, but being a woman I fearlessly took
the inside track and approached the President on his
own side of the table, and as he reached out his hand
for my petition, I grasped it and gave it quite a
fraternal shake saying, “I have no written petition but
here is a letter written sometime since that will
perhaps elucidate my object.” As he opened it I said,
“With your permission I will take a seat” for – to tell
the truth – I began to feel slightly nervous.
After reading down the first page he turned to
me and said, “I understand you, – you are living on
the lines and entertaining guerillas all the time.”
“I’m doing no such thing sir” said I. “I’ll bet you
have someone fighting against me now” said he.
“I have but one son and he is doing his best,
and that reminds me sir, that your son and mine were
classmates at Harvard in ’61, and interchanged
occasional courtesies such as boys are wont to do
who do not receive regular remittances, and you
should have some regard for the mother of your son’s
friend.”
But the incorruptible patriot relied, “I don’t
care a thing for that.” I asked, “Do you know General
Carter now at Knoxville?”
“Yes, and he is no better friend of mine than
you are. By what General’s orders were you
arrested?”
“Gen. Steadman’s, and he said by General
Sherman’s verbal order. I did not know your military
officials did business that way,” said I.
“Well Madam, the most that I can do will be
to telegraph General Steadman and if he will let you
go home I don’t care.”
Thereupon he wrote a telegram and shuffled
wearily across the room to the bell and sent it off. As
he took his seat I asked, “How long before you will
get an answer to that?”
“I don’t know, perhaps in two or three days.”
“Well sir, in the present state of my finances
I cannot remain in Washington so long. Can you let
me hear from you at Nashville?” After a moment’s
deliberation – “Well yes, if I should be reminded of
it,” and thereupon he turned squarely from me and
extended his hand to the next suitor.
I withdrew to my old place in the line feeling
that I was neither a wiser nor a better woman. I stood
Abraham Lincoln
image courtesy of Heritage Auctions, ha.com
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239
there for a half-hour with the tension of my nerve and
willpower considerably relaxed despair glowering
down upon me from every corner of the room. The
crowd was growing beautifully less, so with a
recklessness born of desperation, I once more
approached the President on the near side again
saying as I did so, “It is but seldom that a lady has an
opportunity of pleading her own cause before such a
magnate as the President of the United States and my
business is not in the shape I want it.”
His lips relaxed into a gentle but weary smile
and he said, “Now I want you to tell me just exactly
what you want, for I want to get rid of you.”
I told him what I wanted and he wrote to
Governor Johnson. Handing the card to me to read he
said, “Will that do?”
I thanked him and told him it was perfectly
satisfactory, adding that if his officers and soldiers
had treated me with half his consideration I might not
have been such an uncompromising rebel. “Well,”
said he as he took me kindly by the hand and raised
his other as if in blessing, saying, “Go and sin no
more.”
So ended my first and last interview with the
lamented President Lincoln.
The card from President Lincoln to Governor
Johnson is in my possession and is worded as
follows:
Governor Johnson is hereby authorized if
he sees fit to send Mrs. McElrath to her
home or her friends further south.
September 15 1864.
(Signed) Abraham Lincoln
The foregoing card was written and signed
entirely by President Lincoln.
/s/ Elizabeth Morgan McElrath
Major Hugh McDowell McElrath,
Pay Quartermaster at Knoxville, Tennessee
Major Hugh McDowell McElrath
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NOTES FROM THE FARMERS & MECHANICS BANK OF FAYETTE COUNTY, NEW SALEM PA
by Gerald Dzara
The Farmers & Mechanics Bank was a fraudulent enterprise set up in New Salem Pennsylvania in 1816. Timothy
Smith, Aaron Torrance and Peter Black purchased a lot and erected a stone building in the settlement of New Salem.
This hamlet was close to the county seat, but far enough “in the back country” to make it ideal for their plans. New
Salem was "wide open," known for gambling and drinking, a great place for a bank with no assets or plans for redeeming
their notes.
The trio contracted with three printers for notes; John Bouvier of Brownsville, John Snowden of Pittsburgh and
William Harrison of Philadelphia.
Bouvier printed fractional notes in 12 ½, 25, 37 ½, 50 and 75 cents, no 62 ½ cents have been reported. These notes
have rather crude images.
Snowden also printed fractionals in 6 ¼, 12 ½, 25 and 50 cents. These notes are plain, generic looking.
Harrison printed 1, 3 and 5 dollar notes. These have clean, detailed images.
These notes were spread as far as possible, and when the scheme collapsed in 1817, the four fled to “the wilds of
the Ohio” with the High Sheriff of Fayette County in pursuit with warrants for fraud for all three and one for Mr Black
for murder.
Smith, Torrance and Black faded from history leaving a great quantity of worthless banknotes for modern collectors.
The $1, $3 and $5s are the only common obsolete notes from Fayette County. The fractionals are very scarce and
may well be rare.
Any and all comments and suggestions are welcome.
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$MALL NOTE$ By Jamie Yakes
Series of 1934 $5 Kansas City with Back Plate 637
Derek Higgins picked this wonderful and scarce $5 note from a dealer’s junk box. It’s a Series of
1934 $5 Kansas City face paired with late-finished back plate 637. This type is the scarcest of all $5 back
plate 637 varieties. The note has face plate 14, which was used for over ten years in two distinct stints.
The Bureau of
Engraving and Printing
(BEP) started face 14 in
August 1935 and certified
the plate on September
19. They sent it to press
for a short, three-day run
in December, and then
wouldn’t use it again for
nearly seven years. In
1937, the Treasury had a
need for more silver
certificates; those notes
were mostly issued as $1s
and $5s, and the bulk of
Federal Reserve Notes
were issued as $10s and
$20s. To meet those
demands, the BEP ceased
production of all $5
Federal Reserve Notes
and wouldn’t resume
production until July
1941. Numerous Series of
1934 faces from each
district were relegated to storage for the intervening four years. For that story, see Yakes and Huntoon.1
Eighteen 1934 Kansas City faces were available when the BEP started printing $5 Federal
Reserve Notes again in 1941. All those faces were sent to press in late 1942 when the BEP began printing
sheets specifically for Kansas City. Face 14 had press runs in September and December 1942; in June
1944; from September to November 1944; and a final press run from July to September 1945. The BEP
canceled it in December of the following year.
Back plate 637 followed a different fate. The BEP used 637 as the sole $5 back master plate from
1935 until 1943.2 They then certified it as a working plate on November 10, 1944, and used it for sheet
production from June 1945 to June 1949. The plate produced 600,000 sheets during its lifetime that were
mated with a variety of Julian-Morgenthau, Julian-Vinson, and Julian-Snyder faces for United States
Notes, Silver Certificates, and Federal Reserve Notes.
What makes Series of 1934 Federal Reserve Note 637s scarce was the brief overlap in the use of
1934 faces and back 637. The first two press runs for 637 lasted from June 23 until September 24, 1945;
and November 30, 1945, until January 28, 1946. During that time, the BEP concurrently used 1934 faces
for Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Richmond, Atlanta, St. Louis, and Kansas City (no 1934
faces for Chicago, Minneapolis, Dallas, or San Francisco were used after April 1945). The last 1934 face
on press was for Richmond on January 23, 1946.
Seventeen Kansas City faces were used along with 637. This was the second most of any district
(Atlanta had 18). Face 14 was on press from July 9 to September 24, 1945, which coincided with the first
press run for 637.
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Diligence served Higgins well. Other collectors will need an example of this variety to complete a
set $5 Federal Reserve Note varieties or a collection of back plate 637 notes. There is a greater story to be
told of this variety. Stay tuned for this column in the next issue.
Notes
1. Yakes, J., and P. Huntoon. “$5 Federal Reserve Series of 1934 Blue-Green Seal, Yellow-Green Back,
Non-Mules.” Paper Money Whole No. 344 (2023, Mar/Apr): 136.
2. Yakes, J. “The Extraordinary First Ten Years of Micro Back 637.” Paper Money Whole No. 303
(2016, May/Jun): 212.
References
Record Group 318—Bureau of Engraving and Printing: Entry P1, “Ledgers Pertaining to Plates, Rolls
and Dies, 1870s-1960s,” Containers 147 (1934 FRN plate histories). National Archives and
Records Administration, College Park, Maryland.
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by Robert Calderman
There Can Be Only One!
Major auctions always have a
handful of incredible treasures for
dedicated collectors to fight for. The excitement of
going to battle and dueling for prized trophy notes can
be the ultimate pinnacle peak moment of joy or pain
for the entire year. It all depends on the result, sweet
glorious victory or a brutally painful defeat! Collectors
had a potentially once in a lifetime opportunity this
past January, as a very important five dollar silver
certificate became available for only the second time
ever at major public auction. The Heritage FUN
auction is one of the biggest highlights of the year for
rarities to become available and for collectors to dream
about the opportunity to add legendary notes to their
collections. This year’s FUN sale did not disappoint,
and our featured note in this installment found a new
home with a very fortunate collector.
A note with this level of heavy circulation is usually
found in the bargain box of your average coin show
bourse table or local brick and mortar coin shop. Even
as a star note, the initial appearance does not shout,
“Buy me!” to the typical observer. Instead, there is a
very good chance it loudly screams, “Eew!” to the
unbeknownst collector. However, if you are an
advanced student of the hobby, you know exactly what
makes this note an incredible miracle survivor, one
that may never be equaled in our relative lifetimes.
First appearing in 2015 at the Central States Heritage
Auction, this unique Fr.1653 mule star with back plate
#629 made its glorious debut as part of the Pat Barnes
Collection. Amazingly the note sold for the bargain
price of $7,050. Then almost a full eight years later,
collectors had a second chance to acquire this earthy
PMG VF25 star note when it appeared again at this
year’s FUN sale as part of the Douglas Gregory
Collection. This time, the $5 rarity brought an even
sweeter bargain price of $6,000!!! So why on earth are
we considering a note with a, beauty can only be found
in the eyes of the beholder, crusty appearance to be so
special? How can a VF25 star note example with
pinholes even be considered a bargain at over five
thousand dollars!?! Let us take a closer look
Back plate 629 $5 mules are amazing treasures! Any
example found in any grade should be considered an
exceptional trophy. Why? What do three little
numbers on the bottom right hand corner of the back
of a note matter? What a seemingly insignificant
anomaly! If you’ve been around the block a few times,
the easy notes are already in your collection. The type
notes have all been acquired and it takes more than a
common block note in Top-Pop condition to get your
motor running. What we have featured here is not only
an exceptional rarity it is absolutely unique, the only
example known to exist in any grade! 629 mules are
the result of a cost saving recycling measure in the
1940’s by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing.
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
244
Instead of making brand new printing plates that
required using
metals that were needed for the war effort, any retired
plates kept for reference, including partially completed
plates were to be made ready for service and utilized.
The caveat with back plate 629 was the fact that it
was an old gauge plate, an out of date format with
different specifications that was no longer supposed to
be used in production. None the less, over a very brief
three and a half glorious months beginning November
24, 1947 and ending February 2, 1948 a total of 35,225
12-subject sheets of 629 backs were produced. These
would go on to be mated amazingly with three
different seal color types: Red, Blue, and Green!
Specifically 1928E Legal Tender H-A block, 1934C
Silver Certificate: M-A, N-A, *-A, and finally 1934C
Federal Reserve Notes with known examples currently
observed within the following blocks: B-C, C-A, D-A,
and G-B. The most prolific observed examples fall
under the N-A block of silver certificates with a total
of 18 examples graded by PMG. Finding an example
of an original XF or higher 629 N-A block SC is very
significant as the majority of known examples are
found in low grade VG to VF condition. Only six
examples have reached coveted uncirculated status at
PMG. For the M-A block silver certificate examples,
all known notes are low grade with only two examples
in total certified by
PMG. 1928E legal
tender 629 notes are
extremely tough to
locate, only five
examples in all
grades combined
have been certified
by PMG with just two notes reaching uncirculated
status. Incredibly, the finest known 65EPQ example is
part of a spectacular changeover pair! For the Federal
Reserve Notes, out of all four districts known, there
have only been nine individual notes observed. PMG
has graded six of these: (2) New York, (0)
Philadelphia, (1) Cleveland and (3) Chicago. Amongst
all of this fabulous 629 mule rarity, the delicious icing
on the cake came to light in 2014 as an incredible star
note example was first discovered on a silver
certificate! The very first star of the three possible
types to appear and with only 422,700 notes in total
featuring 629 ever to be printed, what an unlikely
occurrence for a star to even be produced at all, let
alone survive the harsh battlefields of circulation! The
likelihood that another star 629 example will ever
surface is extremely unlikely. While
it is not entirely impossible, the odds are dramatically
weighted on the probability scale against the
possibility! If you’ve seen the classic 1986 movie
Highlander, sometimes you just have to accept the fact
that, “There can be only one!”
Do you have a great Cherry Pick story that you’d like
to share? Your note might be featured here in a future
article and you can remain anonymous if desired!
Email scans of your note with a brief description of
what you paid and where it was found to:
gacoins@earthlink.net
Recommended reading:
The Enduring Allure of $5 Micro Back Plates 629 and
637 by Peter Huntoon Paper Money *Sep/Oct 2015 *
Whole No. 299
SPMC.org * Paper Money * May/June 2023 * Whole No. 345
245
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Fr. 1202 $100 1882 Gold Certificate
PMG Very Fine 30
Realized $750,000 – Long Beach 2022
Fr. 2230-E $10,000 1928 Federal Reserve Note
PMG Choice About Uncirculated 58
Realized $504,000 – Long Beach 2022
Fr. 2220-F $5,000 1928 Federal Reserve Note
PMG Choice Very Fine 35
Realized $216,000 – Long Beach 2022
Fr. 187j $1,000 1880 Legal Tender
PMG Choice Very Fine 35
Realized $360,000 – FUN 2023
Fr. 377 $100 1890 Treasury Note
PMG Very Fine 30
Realized $336,000 – FUN 2023
Fr. 284 $10 1878 Silver Certificate
PMG Very Fine 30
Realized $312,000 – FUN 2023
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